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Life and Letters of Sir Jadunath Sarkar 

The study of our country’s history leads irresistibly to the conclusion 
that we must embrace the spirit of progress with a full and unquestioning 

faith We must not forget that modern Indian civilization is a 

composite daily growing product. 

In God’s universe no good thing, no honest work is ever lost. The 
sound seed will bear fruit, it may be a hundred years afterwards. 

[in India through the Ages ] 



Sir Jadunath Sarkar 

[ The doyen of Indian historians, an honorary D. Lift., 
C. I. E. and Knight, the Campbell Gold Medalist of the 
Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, and of Bengal, and the only 
Asian historian to have the unique distinction of being an 
(i) Honorary Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great 
Britain and Ireland, (ii) Corresponding Member of the Royal 
Historical Society of England, and (iii) Honorary Member 
of the American Historical Association of Washington. J 



M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. 

Professor & Head of the Department of History 



Sasrkvn , 9 &. 

Message of Sir Jadunath Sarkar 
to Indian Historians 

rpIME has now brought me to the brink of the great Ocean of Eternity, 

and as I look back I take the opportunity of this book to bid farewell 
to my friends and pupils, with gratitude for the love and kindness with 
which they have enriched an unusually long life. 

My message to my pupils and my pupils pupils is one of hope, I bid 
them be of good cheer, because the opportunities for carrying on scientific 
research in Indian history on the Indian soil are now unimaginably great, 
and the right atmosphere for this type of work has also been created 
around us. When I first set my hand to the plough in 1891, research 
(except in Sanskrit) meant only the pirating or translation of modern 
English or French books, and we had no other resources. 

But today no genuine worker on Indian history is content unless he 
has mastered the language of the original authorities and can utilise the 
original records, despatches, state papers and inscriptions, which are the 
primary indispensable sources. 

In addition to the collections of the necessary materials in our older 
University libraries and Record Offices, a very rich library of sources has 
been created at Sitamau (Maiwa) by its enlightened prince, Maharaj 
Kumar Dr. Raghuvir Sinh, D. Litt., LL.B., where mediaeval and modern 
Indian History is fully represented in the form of mss., books, and micro- 
films of the treasures of the British Museum and the I. O. Library 
(London), besides costly reference works. Scholars can freely use them. 

Work in the right way, for the means are ready to hand, and the 
reward sure. 


10 Lake Terrace, 

Calcutta 29, 

20th April 2957. 


TN April 1954 I received a letter from Sir Jadunath Sarkar saying that 
he was coming to Delhi and would be glad to receive me if I were 
there. A meeting with the doyen of Indian Historians is always a 
matter of pride and privilege. Besides I was anxious to discuss with him 
the desirability of presenting a Commemoration Volume to him. I there- 
fore immediately resolved to avail myself of this opportunity to achieve 
this object. 

I left Hoshiarpur on the day Sir Jadunath was to reach Delhi and 
called on him the following morning at the Constitution House where he 
was staying with Dr. Raghuvir Sinh, M.P., of Sitamau. After the usual 
preliminaries I broached the subject of the Commemoration Volume and 
requested him to condescend to accept it. 

“No”, was the emphatic reply. “Such proposals have been made in 
the past and I have ignored all these. I do not want it.” I tried to 
argue, but to no purpose. I left him saying that I would come to pay my 
respects again. 

From there I made straight for the residence of Dewan Anand 
Kumar, our Vice-Chancellor who is well known for magnanimity and 
liberality. He greatly appreciated the idea of presenting a Commemoration 
Volume to the greatest historian of India, and kindly agreed to provide me 
with necessary funds for this purpose. 

The following morning I again waited on Sir Jadunath and began to 
talk to him about the Commemoration Volume. In a stern voice he told 
me to leave him alone, and not to bother him any more on that nasty 
subject. I persisted, and he asked me to retire into the Maharaj Kumar’s 
room where he would discuss the n^atter in the presence of Kumar Sahib 
and Dr. N. B. Roy of Shantiniketan who had escorted Sir Jadunath from 

As he came in, I began my argument over again. I was entitled as a 
student of history, I said, to know the reasons for his refusal. 

“I do not want any publicity, and shun the very idea of any money 
being raised for me.” 

“If the Panjab University undertakes the preparation of this volume, 
and no money is collected in the form of donations” ? 

“Who is your Vice-Chancellor” ? 

“Dewan Anand Kumar, son of the late Raja Narendra Nath.” 

VI 11 

*‘I know him. I was their guest at Lahore in 1937. He may find 
money for such a work. 1 * 

“He has already agreed to finance the project.” 

“Then I shall have no objection to your proposal.” 

I felt a thrill passing through me as I heard these words. 

Earlier in the year I had undertaken to edit on behalf of the Panjab 
University a volume of Panjab News-letters of 1844 and had obtained 
funds for its publication in that year’s budget. This work, therefore, was 
to be finished before taking up the Commemoration Volume. Yet I 
issued an appeal for papers and other material in July 1954 to scholars 
both in India and abroad, and found an encouraging response. In addition 
to my heavy official duties I could not carry on both the projects 
simultaneously with equal attention. I devoted major portion of my spare 
time to the News-letters published in March 1956 under the title Panjab 
On the Eve of First Sikh War . 

This accounts for the publication of the Commemoration Volumes 
two years later, and I crave indulgence of those to whom the delay has 
caused inconvenience. 

The present work has a few peculiar features of interest. The 
first volume contains a personal memoir of Sir Jadunath by Dr. G. S. 
Sardesai who has been in close contact with him since 1904. There is an 
excellent biographical sketch and a critical appreciation of Sir Jadunath 
as a historian by his oldest research pupil Dr. K. R. Qanungo. Half a 
dozen reminiscences by some of his pupils and friends give us glimpses into 
the character of the great historian. An exhaustive bibliography of his 
works, articles, etc. is a valuable contribution by two of his pubils. Its 
roost striking characteristic, perhaps, is Section II, which contains selec- 
tions from fifty years 1 correspondence that passed between Sir Jadunath 
and Dr. Sardesai, two lifelong, intimate friends, one living on the shores 
of the Bay of Bengal and the other on the coast of the Arabian Sea. 

The second volume consists exclusively of research papers and 
articles by his pupils, friends and admirers both in India and abroad to 
express their appreciation for what he gave them individually as students 
and what he did for the systematic research in Indian history and 
especially on Mughal and Maratha periods. 

I had the audacity later on to enquire from Sir Jadunath if he 
would kindly give me necessary instructions for the preparation of the 
Commemoration Volume. He politely declined to attend to any query on 
the subject, except giving me a piece of advice : “Please spare my feelings. 

by cutting out of the book all hyperbolic praise of my work.” I have 
tried as far as possible to meet his wishes, and have on many occasions 
trimmed the phrases and expressions used by contributors. 

In memoirs and reviews I have taken the liberty (with apologies to 
their writers) to recast them so as to keep the account mainly confined 
to Jadunath, and in doing so the original spellings of some proper nouns 
have been modernized. 

It is my most pleasant duty to express my deep gratitude to Dewan 
Anand Kumar for his unfailing support. I must thank the learned con- 
tributors for their papers and articles. I acknowledge my indebtedness 
to my beloved pupils, Shri Brijinder Goswamy, M. A., I. A. S. f and 
Shri Bakhtawar Singh, M.A., both of whom took great pains over the 
Correspondence portion of this volume. The latter assisted me in reading 
the proofs also. 


20 May, 1957 

H. R. G. 



Message of Sir Jadunath Sarkar to Indian 
Historians ... ... ... v 

Preface ... ... ... vii 


Memoirs , Reviews and Bibliogrphy ... ... ... xiii 

Introduction ... ... ... 1 

Jadunath Sarkar as i know him 
by G. S. Sardes ai ... ... 18 

Jadunath Sarkar (A Biographical Sketch) 

by K. R. Qanungo ... ... 35 

Jadunath Sarkar as a Historian 
by K. R. Qanungo ... ... ... ... 55 

Reminiscences by 

1. Choudhury. P. C. Roy ... ... ... 74 

2. Das, G. S. ... ... 77 

3. Kibe, M. V. ... ... ... ... 80 

4. Poduval, R. Vasudeva ... ... ... 82 

5. Rao, Supaj Narain ... ... 82 

6. Shastri, K. A. Nilakanta ... 86 

7. Srivastava, A. L. ... ... 87 


Records Commission 

by M. L. Ahluwalia ... ... ... ••• 94 

Jadunath Sarkar as A Seer 


Bibliography of Jadunath’s works, research 


(A) English— by Birendr a nath Bose ... ... 108 

(B) Bengali— by Jogesh C. Bagal ... ••• H4 



Selections from Sarkar-Sardesai Correspondence, 1907-56 


(B) G. S. Sardesai’s Letters to Jadunath Sarkar ... 275 

Corrigenda ... ... ... 358 

Index ... ... ... 359 


Memoirs, Reviews & Bibliography 



The editing of this volume in honour of Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the 
renowned Indian historian, has been a pleasant though an exacting job. A 
Gooch or a Trevelyan would have been much better fitted to appreciate 
this great historian’s contribution to the medieval history of India. It is a 
hard task to make an assessment of the circumstances that have gone to 
make Jadunath Sarkar what he is. Both heredity and environment have 
played their part in shaping Jadunath’s personality. 

Jadunath was born on 10 December 1870 in a rich and highly- 
cultivated Bengali Kayastha family. Among the Hindus, the Kayasthas 
have a long tradition of meritorious and distinguished civil service in the 
Muslim courts, particularly at Delhi. They made their mark not only in 
the field of administration, but also in the realm of letters. This caste has 
the unique privilege of having produced a large number of historians and 
scholars well-versed in Persian and Urdu literature. 

The Kayasthas are well-known for their intelligence, shrewdness 
and wisdom. A popular Indian legend credits a Kayastha with having 
solved the problem of a devotee who had to choose between the mutually 
conflicting desires of his family, when his favourite goddess had granted 
him leave to ask a boon of her. The mother wanted her eyesight to be 
restored, the father enough riches to make them lead an easy life, and the 
wife a child for their childless home. The Kayastha whom the devotee 
met advised him to ask the goddess to grant that his mother might see her 
grandchild drinking milk out of a bowl of gold. 

Raj Kumar Sarkar, his father, passed his Entrance (Matriculation) 
Examination in 1857, the year in which Calcutta University was founded. 1 
The untimely death of his father made young Raj Kumar abandon his 
studies in order to look after the ancestral property. Raj Kumar pre- 
pared his frail frame to cope with the onerous task, and with sheer 
grit, was able to prevent complete chaos inundating the family fortunes. 
Having achieved with honest labour and force of character what his raw 
youth could afford, Raj Kumar settled down to a happy married life. He 
was devoted to public service and died at the ripe age of seventy-four on 

X. The centenary of this University has been celebrated in January this year* 


18 July 1914. He was keenly interested in the study of history, and this 
trait was inherited by Jadunath. 

Raj Kumar was survived by a large family consisting of a wife and 
nine children, one daughter, the eldest, having predeceased him. flari 
Sundari, his wife, survived him by a full quarter of a century, and died at 
the age of ninety-four on 18 September 1939 at Rajshahi. From the seven 
brilliant sons and three happily placed daughters she bore, she was rightly 
called Ratnagarbha, the ‘jewel-wombed’. 1 2 * * As a family the Sarkars are 
long-lived, prolific and free from ostentation. Jadunath is true to the 
family tradition in all these respects. He is still vigorous at the age of 
eighty-seven® and normally works harder than the average present day 
youths and had ten children. 

Brought up in his early years in the plain and peaceful rural 
surroundings, Jadunath had his early schooling, at the village school in 
the vernacular course. At the age of seven he joined the collegiate 
school at Rajshahi. After a year or so the venue of his studies again 
changed and he went to Calcutta with his elder brother. Two years 
later, the year 1881 again found him at the Rajshahi High School. In 
1887 he passed his Matriculation Examination securing a high position 
and a first grade scholarship. His innate ability had thus started 
emitting its radiance. In 1889 he passed the Intermediate Examination 
with a first grade scholarship. He took his B. A. Degree in 1891 with 
honours in two subjects. In December 1892 he took his Master’s Degree 

1. Kumud Nath Sarkar, B.A., B.L. (1860-1930), the eldest son of Raj Kumar and Hari 
Sundari, practised as a lawyer at Rajshahi. He had earned a lucrative practice and had built 
up a thriving business in ballast stone and coal before he died. Shashi Shekhar Sarkar, the 
second son (1864-1952), was receiving his education when he sustained a severe injury by a fall 
from a tree, which affected his brain, and he remained for the rest of his life an invalid. Jadu- 
nath is the third son. Anandi Nath, B.A., B.L, (1881-1955) retired as a pleader in the small cause 
court of Calcutta. His scholarship in English literature made him highly respected at the Bar 
and the Bench. Bijaynath, B.A. (Hons.), C.E. (Roorkee), long served as an Executive Engineer 
in the P.W.D. in Madhya Pradesh and is now a pensioner. Travel, archaeology and history are 
his interests which make him look closer to Jadunath than any one else in the family. 
Birendranath, the fifth son (1883-1954) served his full term as a Professor of Physics at the 
Krishnanath (Berliampur) College. Akhilnath, M B., the youngest (1886-1951), was a Professor 
of midwifery at the Patna Medical College. He s became a Rai Bahadur and G.O.M. Besides 
these the three sisters of the family are Sushila, Sukumari and Surabala. 

2. May God bless him with many more years 1 

>**> i * 5 ” 

Mirza Ghalib 



in Epglish Literature standing first in the University, and securing above 
ninety per cent, marks in the aggregate. 

He then started preparing for the Premchand Roychand Scholarship 
and simultaneously served as a lecturer in English at a local college. As 
a P. R. S. he entered the Government service in 1898, and was transferred 
next year to Patna, where he remained employed for a long period with 
two short breaks only. In 1919 he was posted at Cuttack as Professor of 
History. Soon Jadunath’s reputation as a historian attracted the 
attention of the Government, and he was promoted to the Imperial 
Education Service. He retired at Patna in 1926. Then came the final 
exaltation in his professional career and he was appointed the Honorary 
Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta University. 1 As Vice-Chancellor 
Jadunath tried to clean the Augean stables with Herculean efforts, and 
to improve the standards of discipline and work in the University. He 
declined the offer to continue in that office after 19.28. 2 

Since August 1928 Jadunath has been free, not from work, but from 
service. Hard work is a religion with Jadunath. It is the moving force 
of his life, the food on which he lives. Jadunath writes : “Europe is 
advancing every month nay every day, in arts and arms, in industry and 
technique, in range of thought and the conquest of nature. But India 
has been standing still, glorying in the 'wisdom of our ancestors/ or at 
best borrowing thoughts and material products from Europe at second 
hand. Hence we are always panting far behind Europe like coolies 
carrying the baggage of a civilised army and straggling in the rear. 
Continual progression is the rule of Europe. Her civilisation is never 
stationary, she is constantly moving from more to more, from new to 
newer things. This is the result of the labour of an army of her 

1, Jadunath Sarkar wrote to G S. Sardesai dated at Darjeeling, 20 June 1926 : “But 
all my plans have been upset by the Bengal Government appointing me Vice-Chancellor of the 
Calcutta University for two years from 24th August 1926. It is a purely honorary post, and 
I shall lose Rs. 6,000 in the course of the next five months, by having to go to Calcutta in 
August next. In addition, life at Calcutta will cost me an additional expenditure of Rs. 12,000 
during the two years of my term as V. C. And I shall have to bid good bye to historical research 
during that period instead of being able to devote all my time, as a pensioner, to my literary 

“But I have accepted the post in the sole hope of serving my countrymen by 
reforming the Calcutta University. God only knows whether I shall succeed... 0 

2. Jadunath wrote to Sardesai dated at Calcutta, 4 August 1928 . “Hurrah ! I am a free 
man again, and feel cheerful like a bird escaped from its cage. My term expires on the 
7th instant and I have declined, on grounds of health, to accept another term. My successor 
(Dr. W. S. Urquhart, Principal of the Scottish Mission College) has been appointed.” 


best intellects, carrying on to higher and higher stages the gains 
of their predecessors, by working without cessation, without a break." 1 
His capacity for serious hard work so advantageously manifested in his 
preparation for the Scholarship, has ever been on the increase in the years 
of perfect health and vigour. He never allows himself needless rest, he 
simply cannot. He has often worked days and nights together when his 
duties obliged him to do so. Like many other hard workers he is at his 
best in times of greatest pressure displaying apparently an insatiable 
appetite for work. 

This hard work he undertakes because of his passion for learning. 
His is a mind perpetually thirsting for more and more knowledge, craving 
for an endless furtherance of learning. Ever on the quest for even the 
smallest bit of information, and garnering it safely and carefully in the 
fathomless depths of his elastic mind, Jadunath is all that a true and 
genuine student should be. The passion for learning that he harbours in 
his old frame is by no means selfish. He is on the contrary always on the 
lookout for opportunities to add to the existing treasure of knowledge in 
the world. Even if he needs only a small bit of information out of a 
manuscript that has fallen into his hands, he would translate the whole of 
it and publish it for common use. The Library that he has built up after 
decades of continuously patient efforts is no doubt a tribute to his own 
personal love of knowledge ; it also vividly mirrors a personality that is 
keen on lighting more lamps in other shrines. It was under his inspiration 
that Maharaj Kumar Raghubir Sinh of Sitamau spent almost his entire 
fortune on collecting rare books and manuscripts on Indo-Muslim history 
and thus setting up a splendid research library at Sitamau. 

Jadunath is reserved by nature. No one can fail to notice this 
quality, it may be at the first meeting or after lifelong contacts. He is 
straightforward and businesslike in his social dealings. You may spend 
months on end working in his library, and may not be so fortunate as to 
talk to him for as many hours. 

I met Sir Jadunath for the first time in Darjeeling in 1935. When 
my arrival at his house was announced, he immediately appeared in a 
small room adjoining his study and said, "You are Hari Ram Gupta from 
Lahore ? Here is Miskin you wanted. This is the chair and the table 
for you to work at. While going away in the evening leave a slip on this 
table mentioning the manuscripts and books you require for the following 
day, and they will be placed here before you come.” He then asked me 
if I wanted a cup of tea in the afternoon and on my respectfully declining 

1. What Colleges India Needs, 1 « 



the offer he at once retired into his study room and closed the door. 
During my one month’s stay there the total time of my conversation with 
him did not exceed an hour. 

Afterwards I met Sir Jadunath at Kamshet Seminar which lasted for 
a week, and also at some of the annual sessions of the Indian Historical 
Records Commission. My second visit to his house was at Calcutta in 
1945. On the way I had purchased a basket of mangoes for presentation 
to him as a representative seasonal fruit of the North. Reaching his 
place I put the basket outside the gate and rang the bell. A servant came 
to enquire and then informed Sir Jadunath of my arrival. In a minute 
Sir Jadunath was down with a number of manuscripts under his arm, for 
which I had written to him. He pointed at a table and a chair in a room 
adjoining his kitchen (where the strong smell of the roasted fish daily 
pestered me), put the manuscripts on the table, gave me instruction for 
leaving a slip bearing my requirements for the next day, and after 
enquiring whether I would like to have a cup of tea in the afternoon he 
immediately retired to the first floor. All this had hardly taken half a 

But the basket of mangoes created a problem for me. I called the 
servant and instructed him to deliver the basket to Sir Jadunath. Instan- 
taneously Sir Jadunath could be seen rushing down the stairs followed by 
his servant with the basket. In a furious rage he ordered me to quit his 
house with the basket at once. 

I was stunned. Without a word I put the basket under my arm, 
begged his pardon for offending him. and slipped out of the house. I had 
hardly gone a few paces on the road outside, when he shouted after me to 
return. He told me in emphatic terms that nobody ever dared bring 
anything to his house as a present. Dr. Qanungo, he said, had stayed in 
his house as a member of the family for years together, never having 
dared to bring anything as a gift. He gave me a stern warning never to 
misbehave again. 1 I worked in his library for nearly two months, without 

1. Sardesai probably for the first time sent Sarkar some presents, fearing at the same 
time that Jadunath might feel annoyed. The apologetic nature of the letter leads us to draw 
this conclusion. He wrote : “You must not think ill of me for sending you a parcel of fruit 
jams, prepared in Poona and I liked them very much, particularly the mango. Mrs. Sardesai 
thought of some Sankrant-til-gur being sent you. I did not wish to be formal.... I am not sure 
that Calcutta has not similar stuff to offer. However, they go from a fullsome heart and you 
must accept them as such.” (Sardesai to Sarkar, dated at Kamshet, 22. 1* 1938*) 

Sarkar's reply does not show any annoyance but it certainly betrays his feeling about 



talking to him in all for an hour or so. These two incidents out of many 
might show that Sir Jadunath is laconic and sensitive almost annoyingly. 

Jadunath takes life very seriously. Everything he does, he does so 
earnestly that even the spending of a minute on light purposeless _talk 
would appear to him as a criminal waste 1 . As the seniormost member of 
the Indian Historical Records Commission, he visited almost all the 
capital towns of British India as well as Indian States. On reaching his 
destination he would immediately throw himself into the work he had to 
do without wasting a moment on superfluities. “There is no person in 
the world,” it was once said, “who understands the value of time better 
than Napoleon”. Jadunath in the value that he places upon this fleeting 
factor in the life of man is almost Napoleonic. 

Jadunath is thorough through and through. He keeps a regular 
account of his daily household expenditure. He prepares an itinerary of 
a proposed journey months before. Everyone who is entrusted with the 
execution of some work receives full and clear instructions. Not to speak 
of servants or young scholars, even his senior G. S. Sardesai received 
the following instructions with a packet of Darjeeling tea : “Take the 
kettle of boiling water down from the fire, pour into it one teaspoonful 
of tea leaves for every person, with one spoonful extra, keep the kettle 
carefully closed for full six minutes”. 

Another dominant trait of his character is simplicity. As a matter 
of fact simplicity may be described as the keynote of his character. 
He is simple in his habits, simple in his language, almost 
incredibly simple in everything about him. For a man whom 
nothing has been denied in life, this simplicity is almost sublime. He 

the money wastage: ‘Received your parcel of jams, on the six small bottles of which you 
have spent Rs. 3 in railway freight alone, —which works out at 8 annas per bottle I We make 
quite good guava, pineapple and orange jellies in our house at Darjiling, and gooseberry 
jams here. Mango jelley too, but not so good as the one you have sent. I wonder how they 
can make it without using any preservative, as their chemical analyst asserts. 

"Will you kindly learn from Mrs. Patil how she makes her olive preserves, — i.e. (a) the 
liquid in which the fruits are steeped and (b) the name of the red substance she inserts at 
their core after removing the seeds ?” (Sarkar to Sardesai, dated at Calcutta, 29. 1. 1938.) 

1. Jadunath is, however, not without a sense of humour. In 1936 the Dacca 
University conferred the Honorary Degree of D.Litt. on Sir Jadunath. This was the first Docto- 
rate he had received. Sardesai wrote to him : "Some one told me you have received D. Litt* 
from Dacca University. Is it a fact? I congratulate you.” Quick came the reply: “Yes, 
I am now a doctor, but I like to place after my title, Horn, within brackets, i.e. Homeopathic, 
instead of the usual Hon.” (Sarkar-Sardesai Correspondence, dated 22. 8 1936 and 27. 8. 1936). 



can be as comfortable and contented in a poor man’s hut as in the 
palatial guest houses of the old Indian princes. He does not smoke, he 
does not drink, he does not chew betel-leaf, he even does not crave for tea. 
He has no costly hobbies except buying rare books and manuscripts, and 
needs hardly anything else but two plain ordinary Bengali meals a day. 
He sits and studies on a wooden bed with a small pillow to support him. 
He has no almirahs for his books, etc. which lie piled up on open iron 
shelves going up to the ceiling. For convenience a bamboo ladder is 
always in the room. 

Perhaps his simplicity is at its best when we come to his modesty 
about himself. He never writes for popular applause. His aversion for 
publicity is instinctive and deep-seated. Inclined to avoid society and to 
shun limelight, Jadunath carries himself with an unspeakably charming 
reserve and plainness. 

One more peculiarity of Jadunath is frugality in personal expenditure. 
He hates waste either in his own home or in public office. You will get 
back your visiting card after the interview. He uses a post card if it can 
contain what he wants to say. All his letters are written on plain small- 
sized sheets. His valuable notes and translations of rare manuscripts are 
written on short slips which lie tied up in bundles in his library. The 
water taps in his house cannot be kept open unnecessarily. At meal times 
a full glass of water cannot be placed before him, his need being only two 
thirds of a tumbler. “Waste not and want not” is his motto. 

This frugality has helped him considerably in discharging his heavy 
family responsibilities. Life has given him many an uncomfortable hour. 
Bringing up a large family, educating his children and grandchildren and 
the marrying of the daughters and granddaughters have engaged him 
during all these years. Towards the evening of his life came several 
misfortunes. One* of his sons-in-law died young leaving behind a widow 
and seven daughters to be looked after by Jadunath. His youngest 
son-in-law perished in the last war at Singapore. His eldest son was 
stabbed to death in the communal riots at Calcutta. His second son died 
recently. His youngest daughter, the pet of the family, died while a 
student in London, and his wife became invalid long ago. All these 
misfortunes he has borne with stoic fortitude, and has not allowed his 
literary work to suffer on their account . 1 

1. On 4 July 19 *7 dated at Calcutta Jadunath wrote a letter to Sardesai about his 
troubles. This is perhaps the only letter referring to his domestic worries • — 

“Dear Nana, I have now begun writing letters again and also taken up my suspended 


jadunath sarkar commemoration volume 

Regularity and punctuality are other characteristics of his life. In 
1935 at Darjeeling I daily found him at work before 6 A.M. He would 
retire for lunch at twelve. At 1- 30 P.M. he was seen strolling in the 
spacious compound of his house. At 2 PM- he was again at his desk. 
A bare cup of tea was served to him at 4. 30 P.M. in his study room 
when he might spare a couple of minutes for conversation with a 

literary work. What robs me of my peace of mind is not grief for loss— which religion or 
resignation to fate can enable a man to bear,— but the worry of having to manage the affairs 
of those who should, in the normal course of nature, have looked after me in my old age, but 
have gone away so early and left on my shoulders the burden of settling their property 
troubles, educating their sons, and marrying their orphan daughters. Two widowed daughters 
and one widowed daughter-in-law are now sheltered in my house, and unless I can enjoy ten 
years more of life and health, how can I set on their feet Abani’s sons now aged 16 and 14, or 
Sudha’s sons, aged 15, 13 and 11 or provide husbands for Priyambada’s seven daughters all of 
whom have been orphaned when maidens ? Sat yen (my second son ) is now in a broken down 
condition and cannot be expected to lead a robust helpful life for 10 or 12 years more. Both 
my eldest son-in-law and Abani died in their 5 1st years, and Major Sushil Ghose was ten years 
younger still. 

“Lady Sarkar has been living a tortured existence owing to her ever-present and daily 
increasing rheumatic pain and swelling of the knees. No medicine can cure her. 1 am quite 
well and have borne the present abnormally rainless summer surprisingly well. 

“I have today started revising my English Shtvaji for the 4th edn. In a few days I 
shall return you remaining chapters (vol III.) as revised by me. I find among my papers your 
suggestions for improving my Shiva ji % starting from a page marked 5 and referring to my book 
p. 20, line 8, and going on to the end. Did you send any comments on this book pp. 1-19 and 
I have mislaid or lost them (your pp. 1-4) ? Not likely. Please look into your drafts. 

“Kindly send me Shejwalkar’s paper on the Marathas in Bengal (Deccan College 
Magazine) on loan. 

“It would have been a relief to my soul, and a long-needed physical change too, to have 
gone away from Calcutta. Now that I have ceased to be able to stand the rarefied air of 
Darjiling, I cannot imagine any place better suited for this purpose than Kamshet. Many 
pieces of work which we have contemplated so long, would have been pushed on to conclusion 
at Kamshet, in this probably our last meeting together in life. But I do not see how my big 
household can be run in my absence. There are daily decisions to be made on various 
household or property questions, servants are scarce and unreliable, the children’s health and 
character need constant watching. I alone can control the household with dictatorial authority 
joined to patience, conciliation, and tactful diplomacy. 

“Unless the new West Bengal Ministry can get a firm grip on the administration and life 
of the province when it is firmly in the saddle, there is no hope of the situation changing for 
the better. But even then the improvement can come not earlier than October, when I shall 
think of an excursion to Bombay according to the nature of the actual situation here at the 

“Any news about (1) the Kotah daftar and (2) the remnant of the Menavali daftar 
concerning Mahadji Sindhia, will be welcome. 

“Dhawale was written to for the remaining proof of your Vol* II. ; but has not responded. 
Let me finish the work of revision carried on as yet up to the end of ch. 20." 



visitor or a research worker. He would leave off working at 6 P.M. 
when he went out all alone walking as if he w r ere running. Having 
found no time to talk to him about my research project I asked for 
his permission to accompany him in his evening walks. “No”, was 
the reply, “As a rule I prefer to be left alone during these walks. 
You may discuss your difficulties, if any, between 1.40 and 1.55 P.M.” 

I could not watch his evening programme as I stayed in a hotel, but I 
know he then attended to his mail and domestic duties. 

He is highly methodical. Everything belonging to him has its own 
place, and he can pick up his papers and books even in the dark with a 
blind man’s instinct. 

Jadunath’s frankness sometimes borders on bluntness. His out- 
spoken criticism has made him many enemies, and he has suffered much 
on that account. Once in a notable Indian University a Ph. D. thesis 
was prepared under the supervision of a renowned Professor personally 
known to Jadunath, who happened to be one of the examiners. 
Jadunath felt that the candidate had received no attention whatsoever 
from his supervisor. He wrote to the Vice-Chancellor of that 
University saying that the learned Professor had taken no interest 
in the work of the candidate who acted like a cow let loose in a green 
field, and said that the Professor should be warned. The Professor was 
disqualified from becoming a supervisor of a Ph. D. thesis for a number 
of years. 

All the same Jadunath is exceedingly sympathetic to a really deserv- 
ing cause. Sir Jadunath was one of my examiners for the Degree Ph.D. 
He was impressed with my thesis and strongly recommended its publica- 
tion to the Lahore University. Finding the University’s unwillingness, 
he, of his own free will and without any request from me, revised the copy 
of the thesis that had been sent by the University for evaluation, got it 
printed at Calcutta, reading all the proofs himself, and forwarded the 
printed copies to me at Lahore, later on charging me After great per- 
suasion only the cost of paper and binding. 1 

1. There are a couple of references to this incident in Sarkar-Sardesai Correspondence. 
On 30 March 1939 Sarkar worte to Sardesai *T am supervising the printing of the doctorate 
theses of Hari Ram Gupta and Ashirbadilal Srivastava, which we had agreed to partly subsidise 

out of the Kamshet History Meet Special Fund, have cost me an enormous amount 

of time but happily my editing work is now nearly finished’*. 

On 27 September 1939 he wrote again : — ''Please send me Rs. 100/- from the Kamshet 
Week publication fund. I have already paid on this account nearly 500 Rs. (or 550). 


Such is Jadunath, the man. There is nothing spectacular about him, 
and yet he is without question : 

"Lordly, more than man.” — Campbell 


History was not the subject in which Jadunath had taken his Master’s 
Degree. It was only in connection with the Premchand Roychand 
Scholarship that history came to the fore in Jadunath’s educational career. 
His attempt for the scholarship is a definite milestone in his life. 
Not only did this mark him out as a scholar of extraordinary merit, but it 
also made him veer more and more towards history. 

Jadunath had to work incredibly hard for the scholarship. Proficient 
in English and Sanskrit, he had now to learn Persian so as to be able to 
refer to original sources, the subject of his research being, the Life and 

Times of Aurangzib, and the study of Medieval India. For four years 
Jadunath worked incessantly. It was his lofty ambition, youthful energy, 
zeal and zest for life that sustained him in that period of stress and 
strain. After enormous labour he submitted his thesis on " India of 
Aurangzib : Its Statistics , Topography and Roads» n He was so much 
fascinated with the study of his subject, that he now decided to write a 
complete history of that monarch. Much of the material that he had 
collected for this thesis could go into making the book on Aurangzeb, an 
authentic history of the man and his reign. This history he now began, 
and completed it in five volumes. This led him into the field of Maratha 
history as a good deal of material on Aurangzeb was available in Marathi. 
Shivaji and his Times was his first book on this subject. 

Jadunath had to edit Irvine’s Later Mughals. He collected a huge 
mass of material for this purpose, and in order to utilize it to the full he 
planned and later successfully executed his Fall of the Mughal Empire in 
four volumes. These volumes present in an admirable form the otherwise 
confused history of eighteenth century India. 

His lesser *kpown works on Indian History are also considerable in 
number. He has written Anecdotes of Aurangzib , while several useful 
papers have been collected under the title Studies in Mughal India . His 
Madras University Readership lectures summarize the important features 
of India’s history as a whole and have been published under the title 

On account of Kamshet Week report, nearly 
Hari Ram Gupta's thesis subsidy 
Ashirbadi Lai’s thesis subsidy 

... Rs. 50/- 
... Rs. 250/- 
... Rs. 250 |- 

Rs. 550/- or so. 1 



India through the Ages. He has edited and issued a correct translation 
of the great work on Akbar, the Ain-e-Akbari and of Maasir-e-Alamgiri t 
but the history of Aurangzeb by Ishwardas Nagar and other works 
translated by him are still unprinted. Only very recently the Bombay 
Government published his English translation of the Persian news-letters 
to Poona under the title, The Delhi Affairs , and Mahadji Sindhia as 
Regent of Delhi. 

The by-products of his main subject of study are also equally 
remarkable. He has produced only recently the second volume of the 
Dacca University’s monumental History of Bengal . Chaitanya s Life 
and Teahings by him is a great testimony to his versatility. He made 
significant contribution to the Cambridge History of India (Vol. IV) and 
published important papers in various learned magazines including a large 
number of articles on the military history of India published in the 
Sunday editions of the Hindusthan Standard . 

Besides this he has delivered numerous lectures and addresses 
on topics of historical interest. For over twenty years he was the 
heart and soul of the Indian Historical Records Commission from its very 
birth. A large number of historical papers are submitted every year at the 
session of this Commission, and thus during these years Jadunath examined 
about five hundred papers submitted to the Commission by young 
and aspiring scholars from all over India. He has examined a 
large number of Doctorate theses from all Indian Universities. He has 
won an unrivalled reputation for impartiality and acumen in evaluating 
these dissertations. 

Jadunath’s books present delightful reading. His mastery of the 
English language places him at an advantage over the rank and file of 
Indian historians. • Common sense though an uncommon quality, has 
fallen abundantly to the share of Jadunath. In his case scientific outlook 
and balanced judgment have combined with a rare mastery of details and 
thoroughness of approach to yield a rich harvest of works of enduring value. 

Jadunath occupies a prominent position among the historians of India, 
nay of the world. Apart from many academic prizes and scholarships won 
by him including the coveted Premchand Roychand Scholarship and the 
Griffith Prize, the honours and distinctions received by Jadunath have 
been singular. The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 
bestowed on him in 1923 its honorary membership which is confined to 
no more than thirty scholars of the whole world. Similarly the Royal 
Historical Society of England conferred on him a corresponding member- 



ship in 1935, which is restricted to thirty members or so. These 
Societies have a large number of paying members, but the honorary 
membership can go only to the most eminent foreign scholars. The 
Bombay Board of the Royal Asiatic Society awarded him the Campbell 
Gold Medal in 1926 and made him an honorary fellow. The Royal 
Asiatic Society of Bengal also bestowed on him the same honour in 1926. 
The American Historical Association of Washington appointed him its 
honorary life member. He is the only Asian among the honoured foreign 
scholars of these societies. The Dacca University conferred on him the 
Honorary Degree of D. Litt. The Patna University also did the same. 
The British Government bestowed on him the title of C. I. E. in 1926, 
an<J the Knighthood in 1929. 

What knowledge Jadunath possesses, he is ready to share with and 
impart toothers. Students, teachers, lecturers, professors and writers, 
from all over the country approach him for advice and guidance, and he has 
never spared any labour in satisfying the need of these inquirers. Among 
his lasting achievements is the large number of distinguished pupils 
belonging to all parts of India. The training that he has imparted and the 
inspiration that he is still giving them must for ever remain a glowing 
tribute to his attainment. 

Such is the mind of Jadunath, the Scholar and Historian, not exclusive 
but inclusive, not satiated but thirsting, not stagnant but ever-moving, not 
self-centred but self-sacrificing. Hindi speakers turn his name Yadunath 
into Jadunath which literally means ‘'the master magician.” What an 
insight the father had into the mind of the little baby when christening it 
with this name ! No other name could have better described India’s 
greatest historian : 

“And this grey spirit yearning in desire 
To follow knowledge like a sinking star.” 



G. S. Sardesai, the greatest historian of Maharashtra, was introduced 
to Jadunath Sarkar in 1904 by Devdhar 1 of the Servants of India Society, 
Poona, only by name. Jadunath then a Lecturer in Patna College, Patna, 

1. Devdhar died in November 1935. Sir Jadunath was deeply grieved on reading this 
news in the papers. On 19.11.1935 he wrote to Sardesai ; — 

**I am deeply pained to read of Devdhar's death in today’s papers. It was lucky that you 
took me to him during my last visit to Poona, otherwise I should have missed the opportunity 
of seeing him again in life. It is now 31 years since he introduced himself to me at Patna, and 
since then his career has appeared to me as the brightest and most. .hopeful example of what 



was busy in collecting material for his Life of Aurangzeb, and was on the 
lookout for somebody who could help him in guiding to the original 
Marathi sources. Similarly, Sardesai was planning his History of the 
Marathas, and was in search of a person who could lead him to Persian 
sources of the period. Thus Sarkar and Sardesai could fully answer each 
others purpose. Jadunath took the initiative and wrote to Sardesai who 
seized the opportunity with equal enthusiasm. The correspondence thus 
begun has continued up to the present day with unabated zeal on both 
sides. Letters written by Jadunath prior to June 1907 and those written 
by Sardesai before February 1914 and also those written afterwards for 
about a decade seem to have been destroyed, but the later ones were 
preserved by both. Thus 625 letters of Jadunath and a little over 7C0 of 
Sardesai are available in these two collections. The whole mass of this 
correspondence consists almost exclusively of historical material, queries 
made by one and replies given by the other. Here and there are found 
brief references to matters of personal nature, about one’s health and 
family affairs. Still briefer references are there to others either by way 
of appreciation or in the form of criticism. 

"Not only for the interest of a biography,” wrote Cardinal 
Newman, "but for arriving at the inside of things, the publication of 
letters is the true method.” It is also true that one often learns more 
from the letters addressed to a person than from his own. It is for this 
reason that the editor chose to include selections from fifty years’ Sarkar- 
Sardesai correspondence. This has a still greater importance of its own. 
For instance, this documents a constant intellectual pilgrimage of the 
two greatest historians of the Mughals and the Marathas. In the history 
of India this is the first time that two great historians in the same 
field collaborated so intensely and so well. The letters speak for them- 
selves as a living day-to-day record of the impact of the two personalities 
upon each other arid upon the development of study and research in the 
local history of various states especially during the Mughal-Maratha 
period. These letters show something of their inner life. The homely 
little touches give occasional glimpses of the real Sarkar and Sardesai. 
Sarkar is deeply religious in the modern sense of the word. He has a lofty 
ethical outlook, and is far more impressive, more true and more elevated 

modern education when grafted upon the old Maratha staunchness and simplicity of character 
can accomplish. What selfless public service, what constructive activity, he crowded into a 
life not longer than ours ! In the U.P. Famine of 1911 (?), North India came to know this 
silent worker. He put to shame all our vaunted political leaders and platform orators. When 
shall we see a worthy successor to him ?” 



than any but the very best of writers of his time. Jadunath with his 
trained intellect offers the stern precept of duty as moral justice. He has 
no hostility to any sincere religion. 

Jadunath’s times have seen many an upheaval of the first magnitude. 
Many religious and social movements brought a glorious revolution in the 
Hindu society. The Indian National Congress saw its birth, growth and 
fruition. It had to contend against two mighty powers — the British 
Government over whose dominions the sun had never set, and the Muslim 
League which was striving to recover the lost Muslim power, and in this 
conflict thousands of men, women and children laid down their lives. Of 
the two World Wars the second was fought at India’s door, and his city 
suffered from aerial raids a number of times. India’s independence 
brought in its wake the destruction of lakhs of human beings, slavery of 
thousands of women and children, and the loss of incalculable property. 
These losses sustained in a few months perhaps exceeded the total losses 
in men and material borne in the eighteenth century during the twenty 
foreign invasions of Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali and his son Timur 
Shah and grandson Shah Zaman from 1739 to 1799, a detailed account of 
which is given by Jadunath in his Fall of the Mughal Empire. 

The great historian, however, remains unaffected and unmoved in 
the midst of all these catastrophes. In all his correspondence there are 
only a couple of references to Mahatma Gandhi’s Quit India Movement 
and the Second World War, of which the stern master did not approve 
simply because it put impediments between him and his work owing to the 
dislocation of economic life in Calcutta. Mahatma Gandhi is assassinated, 
but there is not a word in his letters about it. His own son is killed by 
ruffians in the communal riots at Calcutta, but there is only one short 
sentence in one letter alone about it and not a word occurs concerning the 
death of his favourite unmarried daughter in London except the effect 
produced by it on Lady Sarkar's delicate health of which he speaks in one 
or two letters to Sardesai. Can this devotion to Clio be surpassed ? 

As compared with the steel frame of Jadunath, Sardesai is more 
human. He weeps and cries at the death of his only living child, a young 
lad studying in Germany. He speaks of him frequently, and tries to 
collect his letters from various persons with a view to publishing them, and 
Jadunath undertakes to write an introduction to this volume. Sardesai 
suffers terribly when his beloved wife parts company with him in 1943 
when she was over seventy years old and Sardesai was seventy-eight. 

Consider the duration, continuity and range of this correspondence, 
with enormous learning and a light touch, expressing firm convictions and 



containing the exploits of two self-reliant scholars in the field of historical 
study and research. Think of the situation of the two men who struck up 
at once this deep and lasting friendship. One is a Bengali and the other 
a Maharashtrian, having different traditions, speaking different mother 
tongues; one belonging to the most unorthodox of the Hindu castes and 
the other to a staunch Brahmin family ; one a habitual meat-eater and the 
other a strict vegetarian 1 ; one tall, dark, stern and rigid, the other short, 
fair, soft and charming ; one immeasurably superior in intellect and the 
other eight years senior in age ; and the distance of 1300 miles separating 
the two. 

Sarkar and Sardesai are obviously men apart. Much about them was 
calculated to keep them apart from each other. But the factors of 
divergence were absorbed by the confluence of their feelings for each 
other and by the intensity and range of their intellectual interests. In 
the transformation of Sardesai into a great historian Sarkar had a major 
part. He helped him most by maintaining his self-confidence, which even 
at the zenith of his fame required constant support. 2 But it will be a 
mistake to believe that Sardesai’s mind was deeply influenced by him. 
Every main feature was noticeable before they met, and they had too much 
respect for each other to desire uniformity of opinion. 

Sarkar-Sardesai letters are not like those of Walpole or Chesterfield, 

1. Once Sardesai showed willingness to eat eggs and fish. He wrote to Jadunath dated 
at Girgaum, 27.8.1926 : — 

"My situation here has become awfully monotonous for me, my surroundings, room, 
food and life have been too much in a fixed way. I am therefore thinking of a change. Our 
house at Kamshet is too lonely and I have no books and library or any friends near. Last 
week I was in Baroda for three days and liked the change very much. I don’t like Poona at 
all* Do you think if I come to Calcutta now, say after a week, you can put me up without 
inconvenience. I whh also to try a change in food giving up rice for fish and eggs. If you 
think I shall not inconvenience you I would come to you now, stay a month at Calcutta and then 

go on to Patna. My wife may join there later, if convenient I am inclined to try to change 

in as many details as possible and hence I am making this proposal. If I live with you, I will 
eat exactly the same food that you eat, and will not need anything special for me/' 

2. Sardesai wrote to Sarkar on 26-6 46 from Kamashet : — ‘‘It is my greatest good fortune 
that I should have secured in you a permanent mentor to guide my foots (t eps.” He again 
wrote on 25. 4. 47 "I am now re-examining third volume received from you after your 
revision. When I see the immense labours you have bestowed upon this work of my history, 
I feel ashamed to claim it as my own. You have given minutest attention to all points of 
matter, expression and arrangement both in the Ms. and in proof and the improvements thus 
effected are sure to enhance the value of the work in public estimation.” Later on 29. 8. 47 
he wrote “I heartily welcome your superior judgment and in point of scholarship I know 
cannot claim even to be a glowworm before the sun”. On 14. 10. 50 Sardesai wrote : "1 am 

languishing here in my oneliness and yearn for some stimulation from you,” 



well planned and carefully composed and perhaps revised with an eye on 
posterity. Sarkar’s letters do possess intrinsic literary worth, but 
Sardesai never bestowed any such attention on his letters. Yet both throw 
a flood of light on the personality and charm of Jadunath Sarkar. No 
other Indian historian of the time more accurately epitomises the first half 
of the twentieth century than Jadunath who is sensitive to all the important 
ideas and new trends in historical research which is the main stream of his 
life. To it he has given all he has— his learning, his imagination, his 
wonderful memory, his logical powers, his ever-ready kindness and 
generosity, and above all his homely comforts and joys. 

Restrictions of space forbade the publication of these letters in full. 
The choice then lay between selection by topic and selection by author. 
Presenting the two sides of a single correspondence rather than of the 
papers bearing upon a single theme, definitely gives greater freedom to the 
documents to tell their own story, and a natural completeness. Sarkar and 
Sardesai are in the habit of living together for a couple of months every 
year. This has diminished somewhat the value of these letters, as most of 
the affairs were personally settled, and not through post. Yet I have 
endeavoured to include the extracts which narrate day-to-day life with the 
play of light and shade and show the development of Sarkar’s intellect 
and character, with the least possible interruption of comment. 

Each letter has been pruned of everything that seemed to me 
irrelevant to my purpose, and of everything that I thought Jadunath would 
have wished to be omitted . 1 No single letter is printed entirely from 
beginning to end. I have chosen not only passages of consequence but also 
those which appear casual or trivial. Every sentence that remains, 
adds, in my opinion, something to the means of forming a conclusion about 
Jadunath’s character. Excepting a few words here and there to elucidate 
the correspondence, I have confined myself to the work of selection. "All 
interpretations depend upon the interpreter”, and I have thought it best to 
let Jadunath be his own interpreter. Careful consideration has been 
given not to make the selections a dull and dreary reading but to provide 
salt and spice also wherever possible. 

To reproduce in type all the vagaries of a manuscript is neither 

1. G. S. Sardesai was anxious to see the correspondence that had passed between him 
and Jadunath to be published. He sought Sarkar's opinion on this subject. Jadunath had no 
objection to its publication, but in a letter dated 10 5.1943 he instructed him to “go through 
it slowly and exhaustively.. .because the free unrestricted intimacy of private correspondence 
must avoid the public gaze/’ 



feasible nor desirable, and though I have tried to provide an accurate text, 
it is not an exact transcription. Various contractions and abbreviations 
have been at places expanded. The names of months have been spelled out, 
but other proper names remain unchanged. No other spellings have been 
changed. Punctuation, quotation marks, etc. have been left as they were 
originally written, except sometimes to supply a mark overlooked at the 
beginning or end or a quotation, or a dash in single and compound words, 
etc. Titles of books, etc. have been italicised by me. 

So far as possible the personal idiosyncrasies of the two men have 
been respected Sarkar often used vol., ed. (for edition), ms., mss., re. 
(regarding), and wrote most easily using exact punctuation as it was in 
vogue towards the close of the nineteenth century. Sardesai frequently 
wrote shd, wd, bet, re. n (north), pt (part), trans (transition), M. E. 
(Mughal Empire), wh (which), acct (account), reed (received). 

The superscription and subscription have not been reproduced. 
Sarkar in the beginning wrote, ‘Dear Sir,’ 'Dear Mr. Sardesai’, later on 
changing to ‘Dear Govind Rao’, ‘Dear Nana’, and signed ‘Yours sinly’. 
Sardesai normally wrote ‘Dear Prof. Sarkar’ or ‘My dear Prof. Sarkar’ up 
to the beginning of 1930 and thereafter ‘My dear Sir Jadunath,’ and 
signed ‘Yours sincerely’, ‘yrs’ 1 am, Yours sincerely’, ‘yours sinly’. 

The letters are written on a thin, plain paper, which is gradually 
fading ; but the ink retains its colour well, though it is also growing dim. 
Jadunath’s writing does not vary at all, indicating no hurry. It is 
beautiful, steady and in a regular hand. Not a word is illegible, and the 
mistakes and corrections are very few. 

In deciding whether to annotate or not I have tried to consider the 
general convenience. In the notes, which have been kept as brief as 
I could, I have tried to identify as many persons and places as possible, 
usually at the first occurrence of the name. 

A perusal of these lettters will convince the reader that Jadunath 
is a perfect picture of 

“ a mind for ever 

Voyaging through strange seas of Thought, alone.” 

— Wordsworth 

Jadunath Sarkar as I know him 



Acquaintance and Friendship 

Sometime in the year 1904 a letter in an unknown handwriting 
indicating vigour and precision and with contents severely formal and 
businesslike, took me by surprise at Baroda. The name of the writer did 
not solve the mystery as I had not till then heard of him, nor was it likely 
that he should have heard of me as I was just then at the threshold of 
my literary career besides being confined to a secluded corner of the 
secretariat of an Indian State. However, this letter came like a divine 
windfall and my heart leapt with joy at the prospect of an honourable 
bargain with the writer of the letter who required my help in supple- 
menting with Marathi sources his vast store of Persian materials regarding 
the reign of Aurangzib. And I myself in my scheme of the Marathi 
Riyasat , the first part of which was published in 1902 was just then 
feeling sorely the need of utilising Persian sources without knowing 
Persian ; whereas the author of India of Aurangzib (published in 1901) 
was eager for an access to the historical domain of Maharashtra through 
the help of the humble author of Riyasat. In short, this letter became 
the pledge of future co-operation between the Mughal and the Maratha. 

At this distance of half a century I remember how I made my 
acquaintance with young Jadunath then blooming into renown, through 
the good offices of a dear and deeply lamented friend of mine, Gopalrao 
Devdhar of the Poona “Servants of India Society”, who happened to have 
met Jadunath sweating over the Persian manuscripts of the Khuda Bakhsh 
Library of Patna, and incidentally mentioned me and my work to him, 
and introduced him to me by a letter enclosed with that of Jadunath. 

This acquaintance through correspondence soon ripened into a close 
intellectual friendship, and resulted in cooperative exchange of historical 
materials supplying our mutual needs during the lifelong progress of our 
researches. In this connection I remember I lent him my copy of the 
Sabhasad Bakhar , which is still in my library proudly bearing marks of 
his own hand in hard pencil adding headings to the paragraphs in English. 
With the help of grammar and dictionary added to the zeal of a neophyte 
he acquired a high proficiency in the Marathi language in a wonderfully 
short time. Lure of the unknown in the realm of knowledge had always 



a fascination for Jadunath, and no barrier was too forbidding against his 
Alamgirshahi energy and indomitable will. 

As Jadunath advanced in his study of Aurangzib he found himself 
face to face with a mass of original materials in Marathi bearing on the 
eventful attempt of that monarch to put down the Marathas. It was 
Jadunath who first discovered the valuable correspondence between 
Aurangzib and his general Mirza Raja Jai Singh, which enabled him to 
oust almost the great historian, Grant Duff, in the field of reconstructing 
the life of Shivaji. What his contemporaries in Maharashtra such as 
Rajwade, Khare and Parasnis had been doing in the field of Maratha 
history was already known to him. 

Jadunath now began to wage war indeed on two fronts, and won 
decisive victories in the year 1919 when his Shivaji and His Times was 
published in July, four months after the fourth volume of his History of 

Jadunath and the Maratha People 

Jadunath’s Shivaji and His Times has by now gone into five editions, 
each succeeding one correcting the defects of the previous edition. 
Maharashtra has since then compelled Jadunath to divide his literary 
allegiance equally between the Mughal Empire and the Hindu-pad 
Padshahi of Shivaji down to the extinction of both. Jadunath has been 
accorded an honourable domicile in the affections of the Maratha people, 
though no historian has been so severe in exposing the weaknesses of our 
leaders which cost us an Empire. But his heart is warm and his love and 
sympathy for our people deep and wide. He is a Herodotus in travels in 
the land of Maharashtra without the Greek master’s unsuspecting 
credulity, and in his treatment of Maratha history he is a Thucydides, 
calm and dispassionate, severely just and yet possessed of enough fire and 
firmness to inspire and admonish a brave nation about an unfulfilled 
political destiny in the eighteenth century. 

Arduous Tours 

Jadunath has wandered over the craggy hills and picturesque dales 
of the Maratha homeland spotting the scenes of the Maratha War of 
Independence and following the trail of the Mughal and the Maratha 
armies with a phenomenal zeal for first-hand knowledge and the eye of 
a military surveyor. Every chapter of his Shivaji and His Times 
vibrates with life and vigour born of the personal acquaintance with the 
country and the people figuring in his enchanting narrative. From Goa 
to Vijayanagar, from Tanjore and Sandur to Ellora and Ajanta, through 



Khandesh and Berar, from Hyderabad in the east to Ahmadnagar in the 
west, he scoured practically every place of historical importance 
including the Konkan regions of Chiplun and Sangameshwar. He then 
used to travel in the third class in light kit carrying with him his only 
guide, namely a bundle of large scale survey maps. He avoided rich 
hospitality and preferred hard fare to an uncomfortable obligation which 
his Roman pride would shun. His spare frame was agile and tough like 
that of a sturdy Maratha, and when his limbs seemed to succumb to 
fatigue his ever-buoyant spirit pulled him up. He covered miles of rough 
country on foot, and climbed steep ascents with the cheerful fortitude 
of a soldier. After much hardships he paid a visit to the home of the 
historic Jedhe family descended from Shivaji’s early associate and in 
possession of that priceless chronology of Maratha history known to 
historians as the Jedhe Chronology. Such arduous tours only 
enabled him to locate accurately many old forgotten sites and set at rest 
many doubtful points and controversies. He spent a night at Sakharpa , a 
village near Vishalgad, which in the original Persian he had misread as 
Shankarpett . 

A Partner in Travels 

In most of his journeys after 1925 (when I retired from the Baroda 
service) I have been his companion, and the time we spent together has 
been most fruitful to me. I shared his hardships and he accorded me a 
share of his vast store of knowledge, as, while awake we talked day and 
night of history and history only. Some of these trips which we planned 
and undertook together are still fresh in my memory. I can never forget 
the sessions of the Indian Historical Records Commission at Baroda, 
Gwalior, Nagpur and other places which we attended for years in company 
discussing many a historical problem, and seeing many a scene of history. 
Some of the places we thus visited included Indore, Ujjain, Mandasor, 
Kotah, Gwalior, Bhilsa, Sanchi, Dhulia, Ajanta, Ellora, Assai, Aurangabad, 
Daulatabad, Deulgaon Raja, Sindhkhed, Lonor, Mehkar, Bassein, Karanja, 
Ramtek, Vijaynagar, Talikota, Gadag, Tanjore, Sangameshwar, Mathura, 
Agra and Delhi. 

I have personally observed that the nicely-balanced and detatched 
intellectualist in Jadunath is overpowered by occasional outbursts of his 
love and admiration of Maharashtra and its people. He records his 
impressions thus : 

'T have travelled extensively through the Sayadri hill range and the river valleys, and 
everywhere have noticed with surprise the free self-reliant character of the common people, 
peasants and day-labourers such as can never be seen among the helpless ryots of big zamindars 



in Hindustan, the police-ruled population of indigo-growing areas, the vassal i (serfs ?) of feudal 
jagirdars in Rajputana and Malwa. There is a wonderful diffused sense of democratic equality 
and self-respect among the Marathas which can make them the best nationals of Free India.” 
Elsewhere he observes : “In nobility of aims and manly persistence of endeavour the Maratha 
people have an advantage which no other race in India possesses. They alone among the 
Hindus had beaten back the tide of Muslim conquest and defended the independence of their 
country against all the resources of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzib. The Marathas have a 
historic advantage of unique importance in the India of today. Their near ancestors had faced 
death in a hundred battle-fields, had led armies and debated in the chamber of diplomacy, had 
managed the finances of kingdoms and grappled witli the problems of Empire. The same 
honourable spirit is still being shown by the sons of Maharashtra.” (Vide What Maharashtra 
Teaches Us) 

Thus Jadunath’s acquaintance with the Maratha country and his 
attachment to it have been thoroughly ingrained in his being and they 
have been daily getting additional strength on account of our joint labour 
at Poona and Kamshet through the long years of our companionship. 

Our Literary Co-operation 

In October 1909 under the earnest patronage of the late Maharaja 
Sayajiiao Gaekwad of Baroda, his scholarly Diwan Ramesh Chandra Dutta, 
I.C.S., organised the Maratha Library Conference at Baroda. Jadunath 
along with M. M. Haraprasad Shastri, Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar and three 
other eminent scholars were specially invited to attend that grand 
assemblage of the high lights of Indian history and culture. As the 
working Secretary of this Conference I had the long-sought opportunity 
to meet and know at close quarters Jadunath after four years’ acquaintance 
through correspondence. Along with an all-India outlook in letters 
brought about by this Baroda Conference, I made a more valuable acqui- 
sition, namely, Jadunath’s personal friendship anchored with love’s 
lengthening chain through years of tempest in the stormy sea of life. 
Since then we have invariably met at least once every year and over the 
gaps of time we have built a historic bridge of letters concealed as yet 
from any fifth eye. And curiously enough we two did it not knowing 
what each of us was doing at the other end of this bridge of corres- 
pondence. Years after when I happend to tell him that I had carefully 
preserved all his letters written to me and valued these as a precious 
treasure, he gave me a more pleasant surprise by saying that he on his 
part has been preserving every letter I wrote to him 1 Time may come 
perhaps after our exit 1 when some day these letters will reveal how two 
distant souls came daily closer together and fully shared each other’s joys 

1. The substance of this correspondence of historical value is published in their life- 
time ia thh volume. 



and sorrows, sustaining the spirit of one another, and how we have raised 
and solved many a baffling problem of medieval history of India. The 
letters all deal with knotty points of Indian history. 

Our comradeship in letters developed into a sort of sentimental 
family relationship over-riding distance of geography, cf race and caste. 
I have lived with him at Patna, Calcutta and Darjeeling, and he with our 
family at Bombay and other places. We have enjoyed our happiest time 
together in my last shelter of old age on the bank of the Indrayani at 
Kamsbet working hard to reconstruct the history of the Peshwa regime. 
Though we have both finished our labours, Jadunath comes every year to 
breathe the bracing air of Maharashtra, and lives though not with me in 
my dreary and forlorn hermitage of Kamshet yet sufficiently near at 
Talegaon to comfort me, reviving my drooping spirits for a time. 

Our joint endeavours in digging out the buried historical treasures 
of India from neglected corners have been eminently fruitful. It is a 
well-known fact, — though Jadunath in his proud scholarly indifference to 
little acknowledgements may not care to publish it,— that I was able to 
carry to completion the stupendous work of editing the series of forty- 
five volumes of the Peshwa Dafter Selections mainly through the active 
and unstinted support (both moral and intellectual) which I received from 
him during four years of abnormal trouble and stress that bore me down. 
It was his loving encouragement and pressure that could persuade me to 
join him in our next venture, namely the publication of the cognate 
English series of fourteen volumes of the Poona Residency Correspondence, 
an indispensable supplement to the Peshwa Dafter bringing this period 
of uncharted history down to the fall of the Maratha power. 

To mention only one of the many lesser ventures in historical 
study regarding Maratha history under Jadunath’s powerful initiative and 
drive, e.g., the publication of the news-letters from Mahadaji Sindhia’s 
Camp about 800 in number published in one volume by the Gwalior 
Darbar, and two volumes of original letters published by the Historical 
Society of Gwalior. I have in my possession two files of important 
correspondence concerning the minor activities in which we two figured. 

Though I cannot say that I could render much help to Jadunath, I 
am for ever grateful to him for disinterested and unique help I received 
from him in my own historical studies. But for his helpful comradeship 
I would have been nowhere near the fulfilment of my life’s mission. I 
sincerely feel that it is to him that I owe all the work which I have been 
able to put forth. Jadunath’s interest in Maratha history and his mastery 
over the old Marathi have been most fortunate for Maharashtra though 



imbecile jealousy and resentment at this inroad into the Maratha 
preserve by a bold Northerner have not been wanting to detract his work. 
Jadunath’s command of Persian and Dingal (Western Hindi) combined 
with his technique of textual criticism gave him a decisive advantage 
over any purely Marathi-bred scholar. This I could realise when I began 
editing the Peshwa Dafter, when he regularly sent me corrections of 
misreadings and copyist’s errors. He alone could detect wrong readings 
of Persian words in the original Modi. 

Today his knowledge of Marathi is thorough and accurate. It may 
be said to have attained perfection now that Marathi poetry has ceased 
to be a mystery to him. He loves to reproduce Tukaram and Kabir, 
Kalidas and Rabindranath, Shakespeare, Hali and Hafiz in the same breath. 

Though Jadunath has mastered several modern Indian and foreign 
languages, particularly French and Portuguese, none stands nearer to his 
heart than the treasures of Sanskrit literature. He withdraws himself 
occasionally from the fatigue of the Mughal Akhbarat into the company of 
Kalidas and Bhavabhnti giving a loose rein to his mind and memory 
either to sail with the Cloud Messenger ( Meghadutam ) to Alaka, or 
ramble with disconsolate Ramachandra moistening with a lover’s tears the 
banks of the mourning Malinl and her forest-girt grottos echoing with 
the sweet memories of his exile ; or occasionally to the water-fall of 
Maha-KosI in the company of gods to solicit Parvatl of her father as the 
bride of Shiva madly in love with her in Kumcirasambhavam. 

During one of our historical tours we were going round the ruins 
of Vijayanagac when the frieze of stone carvings in the hall of the Sahasra 
Rama-Swami temple arrested our attention. I asked Jadunath what 
some of those figures could be. He paused for a while and began citing 
from RaghuvamiamS without any effort those verses that describe 
Para&urSma’s challenge to Rama on his way to Mithila and his discom- 
fiture by Rama. He then explained to me that the artist who engraved 
this scene must have had in his mind this description of Kalidasa to feed 
his imagination and guide his chisel. Jadunath's critical skill and 
command of Sanskrit helped me in recovering the readings of a badly 
mutilated copy of some 250 sheets of a manuscript of Paramananda’s 
Siva-bhnratam photographed for me. I despaired of the hopeless job, 
but Jadunath would not. He spent a month on reading those sheets and 
bringing out some kind of order out of chaos. 

Jadunath's Memory and Encyclopaedic Learning 

One morning in April 1949 at Kamshet when we both were engaged 
in our usual literary work oblivious of the march-past of a year of the 



Indian Calendar and the dawn of the New Year’s Day of another, a party 
of boys of the Kamshet Residential School accompanied by their 
Headmaster greeted us with their New Year’s compliments and asked 
for our blessings and a message for the Hindu New Year. While I was 
hesitating what appropriate words I should write for them, Jadunath 
quietly pulled out a piece of paper, and wrote on it in his own hand a 
line from the Heliodorus pillar inscription at Bhilsa (cir. 130 B C.) which 
means that the best religion consists in carrying into practice self-restraint, 
self-sacrifice and right thinking. What more fitting message from 
Ancient India could a venerable Guru give to Modern India than these 
words of Paramabhagavata Heliodorus, a Greek ambassador from Taxila 
to the Court of Vidisa ! The Headmaster and his boys and I myself no 
less, were highly struck by the powerful memory and the depth of 
Jadunath’s learning even beyond his sphere of specialization. This is 
what in Sanskrit is called Upasthita Vidya or knowledge at one’s beck and 
call as opposed to Pustakastha Vidya or knowledge within the lock-up 
of books and manuscripts, which fails at the hour of need ( Karya-katt 
samutpannf) like money kept in another’s custody. 

Memory is the first gift of a genius in any field of statecraft or 
letters, whether they are illiterates like Akbar and Shivaji, Haider Ali 
or Ranjit ; or highly erudite men like Macaulay and Mill, Sankarachsrya 
or Sayana. Sir Jadunath’s memory, however, is not the memory of the 
Mulla and the Pandit, who carry the Quran and the Vedas as a load by 
an artificial cultivation of the faculty of cramming. His is a natural 
gift from childhood it seems, not only retentive but also selective. 
Those who like me had the privilege of knowing Jadunath at close 
quarters with a rare opportunity to have a peep into the treasure-vault 
of his mind, always guarded by the triple gates of brass of forbidding 
reserve and calculated silence,— will bear me out that his memory is not 
a lumber-room but a neatly arranged chamber of pigeon-holes of 
information which his disciplined mind and discriminating brain sift and 
preserve with the thoroughness and foresight of a Bismarck. He is equally 
at home with East and West from ages past and present in the field of 
polite literature and fine arts, which are so accurately caught in the 
reflection of his mind,— veritably a magic Mirror of Alexander. But 
Jadunath is not a believer in magic or- anything super-human in him. His 
Only answer is that there is nothing extraordinary in his achievements, 
which are nothing but the reward of his hard labour and harder thinking 
on the affairs of man. 

Ail Example 

I cannot resist here the temptation of describing only one of the 



many surprises Jadunath gave me in his relaxing mood. One evening 
when I happened to be his guest at Darjeeling, his daughter and daughter- 
in-law went to see a picture showing Queen Victoria and her ministers 
in it. I accompanied the ladies, but Sir Jadunath did not venture out in 
the cold of a raw and rainy night as he was then suffering from cold. We 
returned at midnight and slept Early morning next day we sat round a 
small fire for taking tea and watching the boiling pot. Jadunath asked 
his daughter what she thought of the picture. The historian’s daughter 
scenting criticism politely submitted that the picture was about some- 
thing of Queen Victoria and her ministers which was not historically 
true. At this the historian began surveying the whole reign of Queen 
Victoria in a nutshell. He presented us with so vivid a word-portrait of 
the Queen and her ministers, Melbourne, Palmerston, Disraeli, Gladstone 
and others with a few but sure human touches that the shadows of the 
dead seemed to pass in procession before us. An hour glided by unnoticed 
and it was the most valuable treat I ever had had in English history. 
Geography not only of India but of the world is one of the strongest 
plates in the armour of this knight of the Muses. 

What one cannot exact from Jadunath in a serious lecture or formal 
address flows lucidly from his talks when he is in an easy relaxing mood. 
I have only a few days perhaps to remember many a pleasant random talk 
with Jadunath in the cool evenings in the verandah of our house in the 
sleepy hollow of Kamshet. It gave me very great pleasure to recite to 
him abhangs of Marathi poet-saints knowing full well that he would cap 
them with similar passages or parallels from the gems of English literature 
or from his favourites, Rabindranath and Kalidas, saying smilingly “the 
time of the wise passes in wooing poetry.” There comes a flow-tide in 
Jadunath’s Ganges-like expanse of memory when he can be induced to 
talk about the private life and administration of the Mughal Emperors 
and of the follies and foibles of the Mughal courtiers. Every small detail, 
name, place, date, source or what apparently would be considered as a 
useless trifle, he would deftly weave into his narrative so as to breathe 
life and light into them. 

Once when we were visiting the Mughal palaces within Agra Fort, 
we stopped at the Diwan-i-Khas musing over the reception of the great 
Shivaji in that hall by Emperor Aurangzib. To amuse and instruct us, 
Jadunath staged there veritably an One-Act drama himself playing the 
role of the second-bakhshi Asad Khan, leading Shivaji to the foot of the 
empty imperial masnad, making him perform kornish and presenting 
nazarson behalf of Shivaji and his son; and filled the gaps in his action by 
courtierlike addresses. 



Jadun&th’s Family and Academic Distinctions 

Jadunath destined to write the history of the third son of Shah Jahan, 
was himself the third son of late Raj Kumar Sarkar, an enlightened 
Zamindar of Rajshahi in North Bengal. Jadunath was born on Saturday, 
second day of the dark fortnight of month of Marga-shisha of the year 
1870 (10th December 1870) in the village of Karachmaria, Rajshahi district. 
He had his early education in the town of Rajshahi and passed his 
Entrance Examination in 1887 standing sixth in order of merit in the 
University of Calcutta. After having passed his F.A. Examination from 
the Rajshahi College, Jadunath entered the Presidency College at 
Calcutta from which he passed his B.A. Examination with Double 
Honours in History and English in 1891, and here he had to part with 
History for a time as he chose to take his M.A. degree next year in 

Jadunath’ s M.A. result created a sensation in the University, the 
previous records of which in English he threw into the shade. He 
topped the list of successful candidates obtaining 90, 92 and 95 per cent, 
marks in three papers, and a little less in other papers. On this account 
the Government offered him a scholarship for prosecuting higher studies 
in England, but owing to personal reasons Jadunath declined the offer and 
decided to work for the Premchand Roychand Scholarship. The Govern- 
ment offer was then accepted by one of his class-mates, Mr. Albion 
Bannerji who proceeded to England and took the I.C.S. Examination 
along with Mr. Arabindo Ghose, who had been already there. What 
Jadunath lost in the I.C.S. career, proved a permanent gain to history. 

Jadunath’s preparation for the Premchand Roychand Scholarship 
gave a novel turn to his work in life and requires a word of explanation. 
That competition in early days was the highest, the most difficult 
and therefore the most coveted prize under the Calcutta University. 
The original character of the prize was later changed so that its history 
in early days cannot now be properly grasped. A Bhatia merchant of 
Bombay, whose name the prize bears, suddenly amassed a large fortune 
during the cotton boom of 1866 and spent much of it in various useful 
charities. He made a gift of two lacs of rupees to the Calcutta University 
on the stipulation that the interest on . the amount during the year (at 
first Rs. 10,000 later Rs. 8,000/- and finally Rs. 7,000/-) should be 
bestowed on a scholar of the highest academic merit displayed in the 
University Examinations. Severe written tests were attached to the 
award and there were certain years when no one was deemed eligible for 
it. Capacity for enormous labour during a number of years, keen aptitude 
for research, vast reading, a strong memory, proficiency in language, 



these were the essential qualifications for success in that hard competition. 
Those who succeeded in winning the scholarship proved to be men of 
exceptional efficiency and never failed to make a permanent mark in 
Bengali cultured society and public service. Sharda Charan Mitra and 
Ashutosh Mukerii were among the predecessors of Jadunath in this rare 
honour. Sir Gurudas Banerji had failed in that effort as he stood second 
and as only one award was available. The Examination was necessarily 
very stiff and involved a special study of many subjects, the English 
language, History, Economics, Political Science, with extensive courses 
attached to each. For instance the study of English required a complete 
knowledge of English philology, a thorough acquaintance with Anglo- 
Saxon (Old English) together with its later changes during medieval and 
modern times and an intimate knowledge of the different periods of 
English literature and its sources both in prose and verse. No limits were 
set in prescribing the questions to be set for that competition. One spe- 
cial requirement for the Examination lay in the deep study of the history 
of India with reference to original sources (esp. Asoka and Akbar). 

Jadunath possessed special aptitude for such a hard test. He was 
from the beginning given to books and avoided publicity. With a rare 
fondness for reading he was well up in English and Sanskrit. At first he 
did not know Persian, but when he decided to take up the life of 
Aurangzib and the study of Medieval India as the subject of the original 
research required by the then terms of Scholarship, he learnt that 
language, in which alone the original sources of that period were avail- 
able. Thus he put in full four years of strenuous labour after passing his 
M.A. (1892) and appeared for the Scholarship examination in 1897 and 
obtained the prize. The award consisted of a gold medal and a cash 
prize of Rs. 7,000/- to be paid in five years. After receiving the first 
two instalments, the candidate had to pass through another test which 
required the presentation of an original thesis in some unexplored field. 
For this Jadunath first selected the early Mughal period of Indian 
History, but realising that this involved an extremely wide field and 
that older men like Beveridge were already working on it, he after con- 
siderable deliberation decided to work on Aurangzib’s life, a subject 
which was full of varied incidents and offered a virgin field for investi- 
gation, as it had not till then been attempted by any one else. 

He at once set himself to collecting original materials bearing on 
that subject and soon discovered many important Persian manuscripts in 
England and India, particularly at the India Office, the British Museum, 
the Bodleian Library and also in Paris, Lisbon and Berlin. He obtained 



copies of these works at his own expense, copies made by hand in early 
stages and later photostats. He also made an extensive search for 
materials in places like Delhi, Rampur, Lahore, Hyderabad and other 
former seats of Mulism power. He thus secured a large number of 
Aurangzib’s letters. For this enormous work he had to engage copyists. 
Thus after patient study and labour he at last submitted his complete 
thesis " India of Aurangzib” in a comprehensive treatise with minute 
details of routes, battlefields and statistics. He also prepared special 
tables of varied information bearing on Aurangzib’s administration. The 
University rules required the thesis in a printed form, which he sub- 
mitted in 1901 and then he received the remaining instalments of the 
stipulated prize. The effort thus involved full nine years of intensive 
study, 1892 to 1901. The Premchand Roychand award has now been 
split up into smaller parts, each available to three or four persons at a 
time, so that its original glare and eminence have now disappeared. 

The earlier chapters of his history of Aurangzib, which deal with 
Shuja’s contest for the throne, Jadunath submitted to the Calcutta 
University under a nom-de-plume, competing for the Griffith prize, which 
was awarded to him in 1909. The book itself was ultimately completed 
in 5 volumes. He brought out vols. 1 and 2 in 1912, which comprised the 
story of Aurangzib’s life up to his formal coronation in 1659. Ashe began 
to work for the succeeding period he got trace of very valuable Persian 
material lying uncared for in the Archives of the State of Jaipur. With 
difficulty he got access to those records, which he found lying in dis- 
ordered heaps full of dust and partly worm-eaten. He picked out some 
very important papers and managed to secure their copies to which he 
later added further material from other sources in India and outside. 
This involved a lot of severe labour; the very first operation being cleaning, 
reading and arranging old papers, then after understanding their import 
the next step was to fix their dates and context, and then to translate 
them in<English. Such are the successive stages through which an explorer 
has to pass in constructing a fresh episode in Indian history. Jadunath in 
this way secured firm basis of his life’s work. 

Jadunath’s Professional Career 

As mentioned above, Jadunath took his M. A. degree in 1892 and 
during the next five years while reading for the Premchand Roychand 
Scholarship he accepted temporary work as a lecturer in English at the 
Vidyasagar and Ripon Colleges and spent his earnings on books, as was 
his wont even during his college course. But when he won the Scholar- 
ship he entered the educational service in Bengal as a lecturer at the 



Presidency College, Calcutta, in June 1898. A year after he was taken 
away to Patna as a Professor of English by Dr. C. R. Wilson, Principal 
at that college, which then required renovation, and as it had not been 
fully staffed, Jadunath was soon required to teach History, in addition to 
English. Later on when a full history department was organized in that 
College in 1909 Jadunath began to work exclusively on history. And now 
when we know him to be a sound scholar of history only, we must not 
forget that his knowledge of linguistics in general and of English in 
particular, is not only deep and widespread, but that it alone made it 
possible for him to put forth such a vast amount of literary output. His 
proficiency is visible in every line that he has published. This linguistic 
polish, brevity, accuracy and soundness are easily discernible even in his 
casual talks and letters. 

Professor Jadunath served mostly at Patna since July 1899 with a 
return for only five months to Calcutta from June to November 1901. 
From August 1917 to June 1919 his services were borrowed by the Banaras 
Hindu University. When he left Banaras he was promoted to the Imperial 
Educational Service and transferred to the Ravenshaw College at Cuttack 
as Senior Professor of History. Here he worked for about four years from 
July 1919 to October 1923 when he went back to Patna. He retired from 
service in August 1926 and earned his pension, when Lord Lytton, 
Governor of Bengal, appointed him Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta 
University in an honorary capacity, a task which was accepted as a duty 
and which he quitted as soon as his first term of two years was completed. 
Since August 1928 he has been a free student devoting all his time to 
literary activities. 

Hi» Travels 

Although Jadunath has not cared to travel to the western countries, 
he is by no means a mere bookworm. He has travelled extensively in 
India and visited most of the historical sites, battle-fields and old 
monuments by way of study and research rather than for enjoyment, not 
sparing fatigue and inconvenience. In early life he made it a practice to 
spend his vacations in going about different places during the short 
Dusehra holidays and carrying on his studies in the quiet and cool 
atmosphere of a hill station during the long summer vacations. His first 
visit to Darjeeling was in the summer of 1904 and he liked the place so 
much that thereafter he visited it almost every year during the summer 
and later he purchased there a small house of his own. He often took his 
family there along with him and as the house could not accommodate them 
all, he later purchased there a charming site in picturesque surroundings 
and built a large two-storied house of his own in 1927. Here he continued 



to spend the major part of the year after his retirement from service and 
came down to Calcutta only during the winter months. To Darjeeling he 
transferred his large library of rare books and spent lavishly on it in order 
to make it perfect, although he had to leave parts of his books both at 
Calcutta and at his ancestral home Rajshahi. As he grew older he found 
Darjeeling unsuited to his health, so that he gave up residence there in 
1940 and removed all his books to Calcutta. There he built a new house 
of his own, at 10, Lake Terrace, where he now spends most of his time. 

But to revert to his study tours when his younger brother Bijay went 
to join the Engineering College at Roorkee, Jadunath took him there in 
1894. That was the first occasion he utilized in go’ng round some of the 
large towns and historical places in North India from Hardwar to Banaras. 
In October 1904 he made a most enjoyable pilgrimage to Budh Gaya in the 
distinguished company of Sister Nivedita, Rabindranath Tagore, Sir J. C. 
Bose and several learned ascetics of the Ramakrishna Mission. 

Jadunath always projected his itinerary long in advance, closely 
studied the railway time-tables and Murray’s Handbook , and drew up his 
programme leaving sufficient intervals for inspection of sites far away 
from the railway lines. To suit his scanty means he travelled almost 
invariably by the intermediate (sometimes the third) class, carrying just 
enough clothing and articles of light weight to avoid worry. His habits 
are simple and self-reliant. On arrival he would not waste a single 
minute in formalities of reception or complementary talks, but at once 
set to his legitimate work of the functions he was called upon to attend. 

Jadunath as a Scholar and Historian 

All of Jadunath’s later literary performance is the legitimate and 
logical expansion of the Premchand Roychand thesis on “ India of 
Aurangzib: Its Statistics , Topography and Roads" (,1901). From this 
slender start his genius like the mighty Ganges furrowed through the 
vast expanse of the history of the Mughal Empire to its historic end in 
the year 1803. But the Mughal Empire has proved too small to contain 
all the energy and learning of Jadunath. The dry bed of the history of 
Medieval Bengal as well as the tumultuous mountain stream of Maratha 
history, has been equally benefited by the outflow of Jadunath’s genius 
as a historian. A soldier fighting the battle of life all through as Sir 
Jadunath has been doing, age seems to have as little effect on his energy 
and optimism as it had on Aurangzib when on the wrong side of eighty. 
His very constitution demands as it were work, more work, though not 
even his enemies would say that he ever cared for fame and popularity or 
for making piles as an author. 



It is no use making a catalogue of his writings in English and 
Bengali apart from his classics, namely the History of Aurangzib, 
Shivaji , and the Fall of the Mughal Empire . Whatever he has cared 
to write will remain ever green and fresh, because his pen moves like the 
delicate brush of the court-artists of the Mughal Empire. He concentrates 
his best effort on his English style. Jadunath remarks very often that 
what taxes his brain most are style and presentation, in which he has 
attained perfection almost by assiduous efforts added to his natural gifts 
for observation and narration. Once he told me a long story of Sir 
William Howard Russell, the famous correspondent of the London 
Times , of whom I had never heard before. He was sent to Crimea to 
report on the Russian War, later on to India to report on the thrilling 
events of the Mutiny, and the last time with the Prince of Wales in 
1874. Russell was a master of style and observation, and his reports were 
graphic and brilliant, well-balanced and true to the minutest detail. So 
it seems that Russell had a considerable influence on the style of 
Jadunath, who excels in describing the march of armies, progress of 
battles, strategy of generals and tedium of sieges. He is never tired of 
writing, revising, re-writing until in the result he produces a polished 
composition with a striking effect always edifying and expressive of life. 

Ramanand Chatterji and Jadunath Sarkar became friends in 1902. 
Ramanand had just then started his Bengali monthly Prabasi and pressed 
Jadunath to contribute historical matter for that periodical. A little 
later Chatterji conceived the plan of starting an English magazine dealing 
with current politics and historical research. The result was the birth of 
the Modern Review in January 1907, the very first issue containing a 
historical paper from Jadunath. Since that time he has regularly con- 
tributed useful articles serving the cause of historical research. In 
course of time the accumulated stock of Jadunath’s stray writings became 
so vast and came into demand so widely that he had to publish some of 
his past papers for ready reference in book form and these he published 
in his Studies in Mughal India (1920) and House of Shivaji (1943). 

As soon as his History of Aurangzib was completed (in 1925), he 
was led into its natural continuation, the expansion of the Maratha power 
under the Peshwas. The special need for this new undertaking arose 
from his willingness to edit the studies of the late Mr. William Irvine 
entitled The Later Mughals . Irvine left the work incomplete at his 
death with the year (1737). Jadunath issued Irvine’s chapters in two 
well arranged volumes, adding three chapters of his own to the 
original work, thus bringing the story to the year 1739. This publication 
of the Later Mughals has been highly appreciated in the scholarly world. 



Thus was Jadunath led into a close study of the whole Maratha period 
having to deal with the exploration of the Peshwa Dafter at Poona, the 
Gulgale Dafter of Kotah, the Parasnis papers of Mahadaji Sindhia and 
later on the Poona Residency Correspondence series undertaken by the 
Bombay Government. In order to give a proper compact shape to all 
these diffused historical studies Jadunath conceived the grand plan of 
writing a separate work on the fall of the Mughal Empire on the model 
of Gibbon’s monumental history. Of this fresh series he gradually 
published four volumes of weighty matter describing the Mughal-Maratha 
politics of the eighteenth century, that is from the death of Aurangzib 
to the British control over the last Emperor Shah Alam (1707-1803). 
These four volumes bring together in a clear outline the bewildering maze 
of India’s eighteenth century history with remarkable success in un- 
ravelling the various threads. The advent of the British power on the 
Indian scene and its rapid expansion have been well clarified in Jadunath’s 

In all his writings one easily notices his own mark of originality and 
extensive reading. He often refreshes the subject by adding apt quota- 
tions and appropriate illustrations from world history and literature. I 
would give only two small illustrations to show what I mean. Refer to 
page 142 of his “Shivaji and his Times" (4th ed.) where Shivaji at his 
visit to the Emperor asks, “Is this Jaswant whose back my soldiers have 
seen?’* In a footnote a famous interview of a similar import is quoted 
between Wellington and Louis XVIII of France. Wellington retorted 
to Louis’s apologies, “Your Highness need not worry, it is by their backs 
that I have generally known your generals.” Similarly on p. 203 of the 
same book Jadunath compares Jijabai to Queen Gautami Satakarni, who 
prided herself in her son’s glory. Such illustrations are certainly enliven- 
ing and will be found appropriately thrown in all his writings. 

Although Jadunath has never gone abroad, he is no less conversant 
with the world movements of thought and life. He has been a constant 
reader of the Times Literary Supplement and before it of the Athenaeum 
for half a century. This is enough to indicate how a renowned 
specialist can manage to keep himself always abreast of his times in his 
knowledge of current affairs, new discoveries in science, latest noteworthy 
contributions to History, Economics and Political Science and informative 
reviews of Books on these subjects. 

In short, Jadunath as a historian is not an accident, not a fortunate 
child of opportunities, but the consummation of a life of preparation, 
planning, hard industry and ascetic devotion to a great mission. 



Jadunath as a Man 

Jadunath has never cared for popularity with the masses of his 
countrymen either as a historian or a social being. He is a born aristocrat, 
Roman in his unostentatious pfide and stern sense of duty and patriotism. 
Possibly one cannot call him an amiable personality for common purposes. 
He is by nature unusually reserved and taciturn, inclined rather to avoid 
tactfully than seek avidly any society and limelight. He has been and 
aspires to remain always a student as well as a teacher. Punctual in all 
his engagements, regular in correspondence, methodical in habits, strict in 
exacting work from himself as from others, alert in garnering every bit of 
fresh information on any topic he has on hand, Jadunath is all that a 
genuine student and gentleman should be. My long and intimate 
association with him enables me to know his worth as a man and scholar 
as hardly anyone else probably does. Usually reticent by nature, 
uncommunicative and unobtrusive, it is very difficult at first to know his 
mind or fathom his views. Not being outspoken he has this advantage 
that one cannot easily impose upon him. He will not lightly trust a 
stranger, until he personally tests the sincerity of purpose and his genuine 
desire to learn. He hates nepotism and partiality in the public adminis- 
tration. His sense of duty as a citizen sometimes diverts his powerful pen 
to outspoken criticism of officials and workers. He is a fearless critic and 
on that account he had to suffer much in worldly advancement under the 
British regime, and now in popularity with the public. 

While it is difficult to dislodge him from a position or view that he 
has formed, he is equally ready to admit his mistake when sufficient 
evidence is placed before him. Indeed one of his peculiarities is that he is 
always decisive and never halting or hesitating. As a rule he always carr- 
ies his point in open discussion. He is sharp and assertive in what he says 
and writes and is certainly a living encyclopaedia on the subject of history. 
In monetary matters he is liberal and charitable to those in need and those 
who deserve, but otherwise he is strict and economical in his expenditure. 
Ke has never hankered after money. He spends lavishly on books and 
travels and the needs of a large family. He has spent much in taking 
copies of rare manuscripts by hand or photography from England and other 
countries, for which he had to pay heavy charges as micro— filming was 
unknown in those early days. I noticed in his house at Patna clerks 
employed in copying Persian works of which he now possesses a rare 

His own personal needs are quite few. He can sleep on the floor 
and take rest wherever he needs it. I have observed him working with a 
kerosene lamp during the long hours of the night and soundly asleep in the 



late morning hours. -He has often worked days and nights without re- 
mission when work imposes on him a stress of that kind. I know the 
period of his Vice-Chancellorship of two years was to him a time of 
abnormal strain and anxiety. He hates aimless or idle, talks. In such 
cases his remark, a short word or sentence, conveys a meaning. He does 
not smoke or drink and lives a life of puritan simplicity. He has the gift 
of commanding sleep or rest at any time that may be convenient. On 
getting up in the morning he usually takes a light stroll in the open 
air, as if musing within himself or gathering the scattered threads 
of a subject which is the uppermost in his mind. He hates show in 
dress and goes to functions in a simple unostentatious style ; but he never 
fails to impress the gathering by his tall stature, dark penetrating eyes, the 
determined grip of his lips and his grave serene countenance. He would 
never leave to others what he can do himself. When he is my guest in 
the dearth of servants he has always done his own washing himself and 
even cleaned the cup and saucer that he has used. To my objection he 
used to reply by quoting the saying of Socrates, “He who has the fewest 
wants is most like the gods.” He never requires the services of a 
stenographer or a typist. His own drafts are always better than printed 
matter, accurate to a comma- • 

I have experienced occasions in his company when he has not 
spared to criticise anything he disapproved in piy acts or ways ; but 
more often I have received at his hands such tender care and brotherly 
affection as I thought I never deserved. Bhavabhuti in a beautiful little 
verse has described the hearts of uncommon personalities as harder than 
adamant and yet softer than flowers : 

I have no hesitation in saying that this description of Bhavabhuti 
aptly depicts Jadunath’s character and life. If I may give another illus- 
tration, I would like to compare him to a raw unpeeled fruit of the coconut 
tree, the exterior of which is hard and uncouth, but once you reach the 
inside, you will be rewarded with the sweetest juice and kernel the like of 
which you would not find in any other fruit. 

J a dun at h Sarkar 

( A Biographical Sketch ) 


Dr. K. R. QANUNGO, M. A., Ph. D. 

( 1 ) 

In the library of Jadunath’s house at Kukuriapoda in the town of 
Cuttack, — where I had gone to live with him as a research pupil in 1919, 
I saw a half-size oil portrait of a turbaned old man. This was, I learnt, 
the portrait of Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar, Jadunath’s father, in his official 
zamindari dress. This old patriarch with long moustaches, a forehead 
without furrows, a grave countenance relieved by a faint outline of 
kindly smile, and a pair of penetrating eyes that fix an onlooker and 
forbid him to look full into the face, was no less remarkable a character 
in his own time than his more fortunate sons have been in this century. 

The key to the ante-chamber of Jadunath’s character as a man and 
as a scholar lies in truth not with Jadunath but with his father, who was 
too potent a force in moulding the future of his sons to be ignored 
in any life-sketch of Jadunath. 

( 2 ) 

Sepoy Mangal Pandey fired the first shot of the Mutiny on the 29th 
of March, 1857, at Barrackpur. A short time thereafter boatloads of 
white soldiers came up the Ganges to Bahrampur where Babu Raj Kumar 
Sarkar, aged about eighteen, was appearing at the annual examination for 
the F. A. class at the Bahrampur college, then affiliated to the newly- 
founded Calcutta University. It was not the Mutiny but the death of 
his father which’ compelled Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar to give up his academic 
ambitions only after obtaining a prize for standing first in Mathematics. 
.Though young he was made of the stuff of a fighting baron and a born 
leader of men. Within a few years his masterful personality and tact 
brought order out of chaos in his zamindari of KarachmSria in the 
Rajshahi district. He raised a family of seven sons and three daughters 
by his worthy consort, Harisundari, a Cornelia in nobility and purity of 
heart, whom I saw in her eighties about 20 years back. 

A stern moralist and man of frugal habits, Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar 
kept a well-regulated household free from tbe concomitant vices of 
unearned income, unrestrained licence and untamed passions that prevailed 
in an average zamindar's house of those days. He hated playing the 



absentee landlord, and was content to live in his own zamindari, spending 
a fair portion of his income for the welfare of his ryots. He subsidised a 
Kaviraj for distributing medicines free of cost to his tenants, and 
established primary schools in his zamindari at a time when such 
public charity was hardly known elsewhere in the country-side. 

Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar* s solid virtues won for him the confidence 
and esteem of his elders in age and fame. Though a conservative Hindu, 
he was appointed by Maharshi Debendra Nath Tagore one of the trustees 
of the Brahma Sabha of Rajshihi. He was the brain of the Rajshahi 
Association of Zamindars as its secretary. His public services won for 
him a certificate of Honour in the Proclamation Darbar of Queen Empress 
Victoria (1877 A.D.). 

Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar had, however, in him something of the 
knight-errant, which involved him in worries and pecuniary losses for the 
sake of people living outside his zamindari. His honest rage was roused 
by the long-practised tyranny of the European Indigo-planters against 
whom even the sympathetic Indian Civil Service was helpless. He, with 
rare courage and without fear of consequences, threw a challenge to the 
indigo-planters in defence of the legitimate rights of cultivators of the 
Maricha Diara Char in the Murshidabad district where he had no 
interest. This involved him in expensive lawsuits, one of which was 
obstinately fought upto the Privy Council with success. 

In moral and intellectual outlook Jadunath’s father was a child of the 
Indian Renaissance in the nineteenth century under the impact of the West, 
the best fruits of which were to be gathered by his children in later life. 
It was a news in those days outside Calcutta that a country-side zamindar 
had built up a decent family library of choice books on English Literature, 
History and Science and preserved the issues of the Hindu Patriot 
and The Amrita Bazar Patrika, which later on came to his sons as a 
valuable patrimony. This family library, supplemented by other journals, 
stimulated the interest of his children for wide reading at an early age 
and served as the nursery of a broad general culture that distinguished 
Jadunath and his brothers afterwards. A balance between Science and 
Literature in the intellectual equilibrium of Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar 
was reflected in the mental make-up of his sons, half of whom turned to 
Science and the other half to Literature with the love of history as the 
common heritage of all. It was no little surprise to Jadunath to find the 
pages of the volumes of Russel's Modern Europe in the Presidency 
College Library uncut, a book which had been read by him in his early 
teens in his father’s library at Rajshahi. A few years later Jadunath gave 



an indication of his predilection for History in an article on The Fall of 
Tipu Sultan, published in the Suhrid, the quarterly of the Eden Hindu 
Hostel (1891). Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar stood for him as the noble arch- 
type of a scholar and gentleman, and he owned his interest in history to 
his own father. 


Jadunath, the third son of Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar, was born on 
December 10, 1870, at his ancestral house in the village of Karachmaria, 
about 10 miles east of the Atreyi railway station and 80 miles north-east 
of the town of Rampur Boalia now known as Rajshahi. As a child 
Jadunath is said to have been a pet of his mother, occupying the place 
nearest to her while going to sleep at night. But the future footballer’s 
legs would move in sleep and touch his mother’s body, and so one day he 
received a warning that if his legs again touched her body he would lose 
his privilege. Unnoticed by his mother the resourceful child tied his 
legs next evening with a sheet to the bedstead and thus retained his 
coveted place. His mother told her grandsons later that boy Jadunath 
used to run to her during intervals of play and reading for a little 
fondling which seemed to revive his spirits. 

Jadunath learnt the Bengali alphabet perhaps at the age of four, 
though he does not remember the date of the ceremonial of his formally 
tracing the first letter of the Bengali alphabet. After two years at the 
village school maintained by his father, he was in his 8th year brought to 
Rajshahi town to live with his elder brothers and cousins and put in the 
collegiate school in the lowest class (Class X of those days and Class I of 
our times). There he started with Murray’s Spelling Book ; but before 
he had completed his session he was removed to Calcutta with his 
brothers. Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar rented a house in Baniatola for a 
family mess, and left Jadunath there in the charge of his eldest son, 
Kumudnath, who was to act as the guardian to his juniors during their 
father’s absence. It was a Spartan life without play which Jadunath 
lived there. He was admitted to the old Class IX of the Hare School 
and a year later he was transferred to the City Collegiate School. 
Jadunath has a faint recollection of having seen Iswar Chandra 
Vidyasagar of pious memory only once at the Sanskrit-yantra Press 
Bookshop in the company of its Manager Chandi Charan Bandopadhya, 
who loved to visit Karachmaria for angling. He also remembers to 
have heard during his first sojourn at Calcutta the heart-stirring sermon 
of the world famous preacher of Brahmoism, Keshab Chandra Sen. 
What the preacher spoke about he does not remember but he remembers 



well that he sat in the front on the benches meant for children. His father 
also took him once to Maharshi Dabendra Nath Tagore, whom the father 
venerated and admired. 

Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar’s grandfather had become a convert to 
Va shnavism, and since then the sacrificial swords of the cult of the 
warrior goddess had been relegated to the family arsenal, and onion and 
garlic, meat and eggs banished from the family kitchen. Jadunath’s 
father relented to this extent that if the children felt like taking onions, 
they might roast them by lighting a fire outside the kitchen and eating 
them there while at Karachmaria. In Rajshahi, he permitted to others 
lawful meat of sacrifice before a deity but no butcher’s meat, and this to 
be cooked without onion- At Calcutta, the same orthodox tradition had 
to be maintained even in the absence of Babu Raj Kumar Sarkar for fear 
of losing the services of their Hindu cooks and servants. But the boys 
had their own devices. Jadunath being the youngest of the lot was 
occasionally sent to buy stealthily the baker’s loaf, a monopoly of the 
Muslim shops. One day, Jadunath while returning with his purchase 
of the forbidden loaf ( pao~roti or double roti, first introduced by the 
Portuguese), found a Maitra Brahman, a much-dreaded citadel of 
orthodoxy in North Bengal, sitting upstairs. Leaving the loaves quietly 
in a corner downstairs, he walked up confidently to meet the unwelcome 

After two full years in Calcutta, the Sarkar lads came back to 
Rajshahi and there Jadunath was admitted to the old Class V of the 
Rajshahi Collegiate School. He studied there for five years in the High 
School and for two years in the Rajshahi College to complete his F. A. 
course. These were for him years of all work and no play, no diversions 
except public lectures at the Rajshahi Dharmasabha. By the close of 
the nineteenth century the Brahmo Samaj had split up into three 
churches and become a spent force in Bengal, except at Calcutta and 
Dacca. But it had performed a noble mission by giving a severe shaking 
to the rusty Hindu conservatism, and as a consequence of it there came 
about a vigorous Hindu counter-reformation to regain the lost field. 
The froth and foam of the reformation and the counter-reformation in 
Bengal had subsided when Jaduna,th was a schoolboy at Rajshahi, where 
Brabmoism could make little headway. Jadunath attended the lectures 
of learned Pandits at the Dharmasabha, and even to this day, he 
remembers with admiration the zeal and eloquence of some of those 
orthodox orators, particularly of Shiv Chandra Vidyarnav. One of those 
Pandits had an ingenious device of preaching an old Hindu astronomical 
truth against a current untruth, namely,— that the sun revolves round 



the earth. And this he did by means of an improvised globe with thiee 
discs within. Besides listening to these eloquent discourses on the best 
in Hindu religion, Jadunath breathed the pure bhakti atmosphere of 
Vaishnavism in his village home at Karachmaria. Gopinath (Lord of 
the Gopis) was the family deity daily worshipped there with pomp and 
ceremony, though Lord Shiva also received his daily worship with Bel 
leaves and water. Kirtans (religious singing assemblies) were frequent, 
and Vaishnavas in large number were feasted on certain days. 

Jadunath though not physically weak or lean suffered from annual 
attacks of Malaria, a malady which raged furiously throughout North Bengal. 
The Kaviraji medicines of their family physician, Sashi Kabiraj, were used. 
Sometimes he would remain almost senseless with the mercury touching 
105 and regain consciousness at 102 ; but the Kaviraj forbade even the 
washing of the head with cold water. D. Gupta’s blessed malaria patent 
was next tried with greater effect. A last resort was a change, not to 
any health resort, but a few days of outing in a boat. He had to be 
carried in a palki to his examination hall, weak from a fever which had 
left him only 3 days before, when he sat for his F. A. examination at the 
Rajshahi College in 1889. 

Jadunath’s student life at Rajshahi had a minimum of comforts. He 
still remembers with a sigh his only delicacy for tiffin do-paki-mudki 
(parched rice twice boiled in new gur or sugarcane). This accounts for 
his partiality for extra-sweet and less expensive delicacies, which a 
Calcutta cockney cannot stand even. He prefers even now fresh jilebi 
and barfi (Hindustani kalakand ) to the much prized sandesh of Calcutta 
or halua-sohan of Delhi, which after all cannot be as sweet as his 
do-paki-mudki of Rajshahi. 


In June, 1889, Jadunath, while convalescing after a severe attack of 
Malaria, was admitted as a boarder in the Eden Hindu Hostel and as a 
student in the Third Year class of the Presidency College. The sickly 
boy started with a determination to fight out Malaria that had deprived 
him of his due in the last F. A, Examination. Fortunately enough, one 
of his roommates was a good sportsman and an indifferent scholar — Suresh 
Chakravarti — the goal-keeper of the Sobhabazar Football Team. At 
Rajshahi, Jadunath had only heard of modern games like football, hockey 
and tennis but had not seen any of them being played. Still he soon 
became an enthusiastic, if not a front rank footballer. One of his 
fellow-boarders in an adjacent room a few years later gave out that 
Jadunath and company used to kick shots at midnight in the courtyard 



of the hostel and thereupon received a warning from the superintendent. 
Football was thus more of a medicine and an aid to study than a hobby 
with Jadunath. He had only one attack of Malaria at Calcutta and that 
was the last. 

Jadunath’s enthusiasm and organising capacity and not so much his 
reputation as a player raised him to the office of Secretary of the football 
team of the Eden Hindu Hostel. It was his duty to carry on corres- 
pondence, arrange matches with outside teams and provide refreshments. 
Refreshment in those days seems to have been very plain — beer for 
European players and lemonade for Indians. No tea and toasts, fruits 
and sweets, smoke and strong liquor were obligatory on the part of the 
host team as they are now. Jadunath remembers with gratitude and 
affection Brother Douglass of the Oxford Mission, who used to mix 
intimately with young collegians on the playfield and outside. He 
regrets that later generations did not care to take the best out of such 
ideal persons of character, scholarship and sympathy, sent out to 
India. Men like Douglass were appreciated in those days as genuine 
friends and teachers by the Indian young men of the nineteenth century, 
whose moral and mental make-up received a polish and a finish by 
coming into contact with them. 

Jadunath’s life at the Eden Hostel was happy and fruitful except on 
the score of badly cooked meals. The Assistant Superintendent (really 
book keeper) of the hostel in his time was Babu Keshab Chandra Roy, 
who, in his old age, became Mr. K C. Roy, C. I. E. of the Associated 
Press of India. They remained intimate friends throughout. Jadunath 
kept a kerosene stove on which he would boil his own milk, prepare 
halua for his tiffin and cook sea crabs to supplement his mess meal. 
Others in the Hostel could get four lucis and a little vegetable by paying 
one rupee extra for tiffin. However, it is a revelation that in 1890 A. D. 
a student could manage to be fairly comfortable spending on his seat 
rent, medical attendance and two full meals only Rs. 12/-/- a month, 
exclusive of the tuition fee of the college. 

In the Calcutta of those days there were no distractions to divert 
the mind of students from study, n6 irresponsible politicians to dish out 
extremism and defiance of discipline, no movies even not to speak of 
talkies to play havoc with the morals of the youngsters. There were 
theatres but these were not frequented except by abandoned characters 
and the blacksheep of colleges. Students had not to spend much on 
clothes, a dhoti and a shirt, a China coat, short and loose for school-boys 
$nd at best a collared Parsi coat coming down a little above the knees 



for the sons of the rich, would make up a decent dress. College Square 
Gol-dighi was the favourite resort of students in the evening in 
Jadunath’s time. Politics and cinema stars, smoking and gossip were not 
the usual relaxations in those days as they are in ours. Professors, 
teachers, probable questions in the coming examinations were the 
absorbing topics of their evening rounds. 

Jadunath has not visited even once a professional Bengali theatre 
(with female actors) since he came to Calcutta in 1889. 

Jadunath read English Literature with the famous trio, Tawney, 
Percival and Rowe in the Presidency College. These were names to 
conjure with for the cream of Bengal’s intellect. Tawney in his younger 
days learnt Sanskrit from Mihesh Chandra Nyaya-ratna in exchange for 
English taught to the Pandit. The Pandit gave the first sample of his 
progress with English by saying in all seriousness. ‘T will eat you Mr. 
Tawney,” when he meant only to say that he would entertain Mr. Tawney 
to a feast. However, Jadunath was a beloved pupil of Rowe and 
Percival, whom he remembers with the greatest regard and affection. In 
consequence of his B.A. Examination results he was awarded a scholar- 
ship of Rupees 50/- per mensem in March, 1891, and the following year 
he came out of the University standing first in the First Class with 
record marks in M.A. English. A string of medals obtained by Jadunath 
is now in the custody of Lady Sarkar, and none of us had the hardihood 
to enquire what these medals were for. 


About the last week of June, 1893, a raw young man of slim build 
and austere mien was found standing alone with a book near the door 
of the Fourth Year class room of Surendra Nath Bannerjee’s Ripon 
College, when students in groups thronged the corridor. There was 
among those students my much-dreaded Headmaster, Babu Sarat Chandra 
Sharma, then nearing forty and with several failures to his credit in every 
examination. He was a full-bearded athlete having failed in his B. A. 
Examination twice already, and never after succeeding in passing it. But 
he was only a junior to other veterans in age and number of failures 
among his class-fellows. He told us that he took the solitary youngster in 
their midst to be a First Year student who had missed his own classroom. 
When the bell rang and students tumultuously crowded into the class, the 
same boy walked to the dais and started teaching with such confidence, 
eloquence and learning that the whole class sat mute as if spellbound. 
When they recovered from their surprise, a whisper passed around that 



he was no other than the intellectual prodigy, Jadunath Sarkar, the wonder 
and envy of the student community and the favourite pupil of Percival. 
Surendra Nath had some misgiving when he sent so young a teacher to a 
turbulent senior class ; and so about the middle of the period he was seen 
walking silently outside the classroom where nobody was seen raising his 
head from the desk. 

Such had been Jadunath on the first day of his career, and we have 
no facts to hold that his later specialization in History impaired his 
efficiency as a teacher of languages and literature. I was not a student 
of Jadunath during my University career, and as such am not competent 
to judge his quality as a class-teacher. The curiosity of the readers on 
this point may be satisfied only by the Chief Minister (Dr. B. C. Roy) 
who was his pupil in the Patna College. 

After having served in the Ripon College for about three sessions, 
Jadunath joined the Vidyasagar College as Professor of English and stayed 
there for two years (1896-1898). Meanwhile he won the Premchand 
Roychand Scholarship in December, 1897, and his chance for selection to 
the Provincial Educational Service came in June, 1898. He served only 
for one year as Professor of English in the Presidency College, Calcutta 
(June 1898-June 1899) and was then transferred to the Patna College, 
where the need for the reorganisation of the teaching staff was badly felt. 
His first term of service in Patna was from July 1899 to June 1901. He 
was taken back to the Presidency College for six months (July 1901- 
December 1901) and returned to Patna again at the urgent cry of its 
Principal Dr. C. R. Wilson. 

Though Jadunath had been a rolling stone ever since he left the 
University, he gathered enough literary moss as a writer of Bengali prose 
and as the illustrious author of "India of Aurangzib” (1901), before he 
settled down at Patna, which in fact became his second home. During 
his second term of office extending over fifteen uninterrupted years at 
Patna (January 1902 — August 1917), Jadunath occupied the Chair of 
English for several years and then shifted on to that of History in the 
Patna College. 

( 6 ) 

I have no first hand knowledge of Jadunath’s life at Patna from 1902 
to 1917, except a little learnt from others. Something came out of 
Jadunath many years after when he administered a censure to us on our 
having incautiously provoked him by complaining of the lack of funds in 
Colleges and Universities for decently equipping the History Section of 



Libraries, and meagre opportunities in mofussil towns for higher studies 
and research. He told u s of his own hardships at the initial stage of his 
historical research of the ill-equipped Library of the Patna College, which 
did not possess then even a set of Cambridge History of Europe. He 
holds to this day that opportunity does not make a man ; but it is the 
man who creates opportunities for himself and others. From a distance 
one might think that Jadunath is a child of opportunity born with a silver 
spoon in his mouth, and later had the great Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public 
Library at his disposal. We have yet to wait and see whether all the 
Libraries of India would produce even an apology of Jadunath. He is 
grateful to the Oriental Library at Patna, and its founder who had made 
this unique gift to give a preliminary start to research in Indo-Muslim 
History. He also added how he had managed to equip the Patna College 
Library by prudently spreading his budget grant over several years, and 
that we might do the same elsewhere if we had only earnestness and 
enough sense to do it. 

Jadunath did not forget his football till fifty, when he was either 
at Patna, Banaras or Cuttack ; though not an active player, he continued 
to be an active organiser and a skilful referee. At the Patna College he 
was in charge of games for several years. He believes that the playfield 
gives the only opportunity to a teacher to win the affection of students, 
which is more effective in maintaining discipline among them than all 
the wealth of learning and gift of oratory. The very purpose of academic 
life, he continues, is lost if a close personal relation does not grow up 
between the teacher and the taught outside the class room and on the 

Though a householder Jadunath till now has not given up his old 
mess habits of self-reliance, having been always the least-served man 
though with more than one servant for every member of his own family. 
As regards his social life, he himself tells us that “no gentleman twice 
crossed his threshold at Patna when he was engaged in writing the 
History of Aurangzib.” Though he was held in the highest esteem by 
all, young and old, and saluted from afar, nobody came to his house twice. 
This is no exaggeration ; because what I have seen of him in later years 
convinced me that a call at Jadunath’s in the morning except under 
engagement was uninviting if not a risk. Jadunath does not take pride 
and pleasure in keeping a visitor waiting for hours nor does he make use 
of the device of switching “Out" at the door while very much present 
within. He had only one measure of courtesy for all kinds of people, the 
same straight-tongued economy of words in talk with all, and the same 



abrupt “Namaskar" saying good-bye to everybody when the business part 
of the interview was over. 

The only one and the last friend of Jadunath at Patna with whom 
he was on visiting terms, was Mathur Nath Singh, B. L., to whom Jadunath 
had taken me once as a favour during his last tenure of service at Patna 
(October 1923— August 1926). He was then a fat ebony-black old man of 
genial smile, good humour and of “white" heart though a lawyer by 
profession. It so happened, thus runs an authentic story, that on one 
occasion Mathur Babu appeared as a defence counsel in a sessions 
case while Jadunath was serving as the foreman of the jury. Since 
that evening till the conclusion of the case Jadunath studiously 
avoided Mathur Babu and if they happened to pass each other in 
their usual evening walk in the maidan, Jadunath would shoot past 
with repelling reserve. Honesty of conduct and complete obedience to 
law have been a principle and habit with Jadunath. In another sessions 
case at Patna he as the foreman of the jury allowed himself to be detained 
for a considerable part of the summer vacation which he used to spend at 
Darjeeling. Such has always been his uncompromising and inconvenient 
sense of civic duty. 

During this period the Indian struggle for independence, both 
constitutional and revolutionary, was in full swing and from Rabindranath 
and Acharya Prafulla Chandra Roy down to every vaunting nonde script 
our people figured in the Police records. Prafulla Chandra used to say 
that he had stolen a march over C. I. D. by becoming a C. I. E., and they 
say Jadunath also stole a similar march several years after Prafulla 
Chandra by being made a C. I. E. (January 1926). Jadunath’s Economics 
of British India (March 1909) was equally popular with examinees and 
revolutionaries even in our own days for its vigorous broadside against 
British exploitation. 


Jadunath left Patna with a lien on his Government post at the call 
of Sir Sundar Lai (Vice-Chancellor) in August 1917, and joined the 
Banaras Hindu University as Professor and Head of the Department of 
History. It was a fairly difficult job to organise a newly started 
University. To Banaras he took his love for . sports and his organizing 
capacity made him extremely popular on the playfield. Perhaps at 
Banaras he missed a Mathur Babu even more than the Khuda Bakhsh 
Oriental Public Library. However, he soon found at Banaras a kindred soul 
in the venerable old Orientalist, Bhagvan Das ji (father of Shri Prakasbji 
and Chandrabalji, Governor of Bombay and the Speaker of the U. P. 



Legislative Assembly respectively, tl\e latter having been a pupil of 
Jadunath at the University). Besides teaching, Library and Sports were 
taken up by Jadunath for reorganisation and revitalization. He himself 
used to recruit players for teams and act as a referee in matches. He 
made a long-term plan of equipping the History Section of the University 
Library on a broad basis for general utility as well as for research. 

Jadunath’s high fame as a historian at last made the then Bihar and 
Orissa Government uneasy when it amounted to a public scandal that an 
educationist of his calibre had long been kept in the Provincial cadre 
while fresh graduates from England were being recruited for the higher 
Indian Education Service- In 1918 Jadunath’s promotion to I.E.S. was 
gazetted, and this too not without a sting. He was posted to Ravenshaw 
College, Cuttack, as a Professor of History and English Literature. 
Meanwhile Jadunath’s short experience of the irritating politics of a 
politician’s University made him equally uneasy at Banaras. So he preferred 
an exile to Cuttack to the pinpricks of intriguing nondescripts in the 
University. He took up his new appointment in the Ravenshaw College 
in July 1919 after twenty-four months’ sojourn in “the City of the dead and 
the dying”. 

( 8 ) 

There was a stir in the literary circle of Cuttack when Jadunath 
joined the Ravenshaw College in July 1919. There he found much of 
sincerity and good will and much less of politics than at Banaras. But the 
burden of his work became heavier. In addition to History and English 
Literature, he volunteered to teach Bengali when it was introduced as an 
optional subject in the college. Historical research received a fresh 
impetus. He picked up earnest workers to start researches in the history 
of Orissa. Some of those who had been either his pupils or his casual 
students are today in the fore-front of researchers and educationists of 

Cuttack was a place of much fewer comforts than Patna or Banaras. 
It was then a miserable town of dusty roads, dilapidated houses, dry fish 
and dirty menials devoid of scruples. Only third-rate foodstuff was then 
available in the market; gritty rice, condemned dal (pulses) and blackish 
country salt unfit for consumption by bipeds elsewhere. To make the 
matters worse, Jadunath had not taken his family with him to Cuttack 
except his youngest son, Satyen Babu, in early teenage. So Jadunath s 
household was a sort of mess of hangers-on with himself to pay and find 
everything for them. About a year’s experience of hardship when he had 



to bring rice, dal and salt from, Calcutta for us all during his monthly 
trips to attend the meetings of the Executive Council of the Patna 
University and without none to look after his comforts, he must have 
realised what he owed to our “mother” as an aid to research by keeping 
him physically fit and relieving him of petty vexations in keeping a house. 

Jadunath came from this time onward under the close observation of 
a pupil, the writer of this paper, whom he had picked up from Calcutta 
for training in historical research. Even in the midst of his engrossing 
literary preoccupations he was very strict and methodical in account 
keeping. In a corner of his library was lying in a heap khatas of the size 
of one-eighth of a foolscap sheet, each containing a month’s bazar account 
in Patna and Banaras for about two decades ! What he denied himself 
in physical comforts he would liberally provide for others . 1 * * * * * 

We have hardly known any other master labouring and spending* 
so much of his time and money in training up novices in historical 
research and giving them a start in life. His method is his own. He 
never believes in narrow 7 specialisation till the novice has read widely in 
and around his subject and acquired a general acquaintance with the 
standard works of master writers, particularly Western. The first book 
he gave me to read when I went to reside w T ith him at Cuttack was Gooch’s 
History and Historians of the N ineteenth Century . I could only guess 
later on that this book was meant to cure me of my raw patriotic bias 
and communal feelings if any, and of the temptation to cater to political 
prejudices. A discussion followed regarding the merits of different 
schools of History treated by Gooch. The Prussian School appealed most 
to me first as a nation-making agency. Slowly I was weaned over to 
Ranke’s school by being told that truth and not passing utility is the aim 
of honest research. Every afternoon he would enquire about my progress, 

1. In the morning be used to take only an apology of sharbat prepared of three fourths 
of a tea cup of water with two tea spoonfuls of sugar and the juice of one-fourth of a small 
kagazi nitnbu (lemon) : whereas elsewhere we were having sweets and more than one cup 
of tea. His cook u ed to drink off milk even from Jadunath ’s share and make up the deficiency 

with hot water. Jadunath ordered one-quarter of a seer of extra milk for the cook, but he 
would not stop mixing water. Finding no other remedy we bought a good cane without his 

knowledge* and u^ed it on the servant with effect during his absence in the college. And it 

was his habit not to hear any complaint by servants against us. 

Jadunath had the utmost hatred for mice and they were to be destroyed at sight. 

Sometimes he would call us beaters in the hunting of rats in his library. We three juniors 
were to stir out and drive the rats from corners towards the door where Jadunath stood ready 

with a hockey stick, and no rat escaped him alive. 



take me out with him in his evening walk and have my meals with him 
talking nothing but history. Once he ordered me to condense a chapter 
of 42 pages in manuscript to seven pages only. Six times over I wrote 
and rewrote it, growing desperate at my failure. I even thought of 
flying from Cuttack giving up the hopeless job, and at last I succeeded in 
my seventh attempt. This, however, served as a severe lesson for my 
faults of verbosity, superfluity and of groping in the blind lane from 
which a novice suffers at the start. Jadunath’s library was equipped like 
a laboratory for research in Indo-Muslim history. One could find 
everything near at hand, detailed maps, gazetteers, reference books and 
even a postal index, besides every useful history in print or transcript or 

We found him regular in everything except his hours of sleep, which 
seemed to be at his command. He would make up his quota of eight 
hours in the morning or at noon on Sundays if he missed it at night. 
Sometimes his library wore the appearance of a place just sacked by an 
invisible spirit at night, volumes taken down from shelves and scattered on 
the floor, maps spread out and the table groaning under the load of books. 
They were to lie there in that condition sometimes for a fortnight till he 
would finish his chapter and himself restore them to the right places. 
There were two things in his library that amused and puzzled us ; one was 
an office basket the age of which could not be determined, because time 
had changed its colour and taken away the bottom of it, which was 
replaced by a thick piece of paste board. This basket was a sort of holdall 
for everything he might need during his hours of work; rusty needles, 
pins, clips, bits of thread and twines, sealing wax, candles, gum bottle, 
seal and sundries. We were allowed to take things out of it provided 
that these were put back afterwards. He would not allow any waste of 
even waste paper ; those with one side clean he preserved and used for 
scribbling notes and first drafts ; twines of book-posts and parcels went 
into his basket and wrapping papers had their own place and utility. 
The other was a covered enamel pot which we had not the courage to 

Jadunath at Cuttack was a wonder and a tale to the admiring public 
who could see him only from afar. It comes to us from an authentic 
source that even science students innocent of History and Literature 
stealthily slipped into his class to hear his lectures. He cannot be claimed 
as an orator in the land of Surendra Nath and Bipin Chandra Pal. What- 
ever he spoke appeared to be a finished work of art to intellectuals coming 
out in graceful flow and with the vision of a seer. His students also 



acquired a sort of prestige in the eyes of others, and anything they would 
say about the great master became the talk of the town. On those who 
lived with him he left an unforgettable impression 1 . 

Unsparing to himself Jadunath was charitable for the weaknesses of 
others. One of his research pupils, a notorious back-bencher during his 
school and college days and accustomed to sleep during two midday periods 
was once caught sleeping when the Master happened to return from 
college before time. Since then at Cuttack, Patna and Darjeeling 
Jadunath used to walk tiptoe into his pupil’s room when he found him 
sleeping comfortably after midday meal. He suffered his own occasional 
physical ailments silently and treating them himself without calling any 
of us for any service, and we could not muster sufficient courage even to 
inquire. One night in his new quarters at Chauliyagunj, Cuttack, 
Jadunath and other members of his family could not have any sleep with- 
out mosquito curtains, which were there but not their bamboo poles. 
Next evening after his usual walk with his pupil (the writer) along the 
embankment of the Mahanadi river, descending darkness reminded him 
of mosquitoes. He at once went to the bamboo market, purchased eight 
12 feet long bamboo poles, and asked his pupil to fetch a coolie. But in 
the city of idlers, no coolie, however hungry, would care to be seen for hire 
after dusk. Jadunath seeing no other way out took up two bamboos and 
asked his pupil whether he could carry the remaining six. This was 
enough and the pupil walked behind the master with all the eight bamboos 
on his shoulders back to house with unsophisticated indifference to the 
gaze of decently dressed Babus. None however dare volunteer any 
service in the household without his express permission. 


Cuttack had its joys and sorrows for Jadunath, who after four years 
was transferred to his old favourite place, Patna, in October 1923. He had 
his own house at Bhikna Pahari with a large compound reputed to be a 
haunted place. About 20 yards from the main building was a long 
rectangular block to accommodate his library and serve as a dormitory for 
his gentlemen-at-letters. Mathur Babu was still alive to enliven his 
otherwise dry life of a literary recluse. We had opportunities to know 

1. He remained a gentleman to hi? valets even, never smiling and talking but the 
minimum, never to be seen in an unofficial mood except at the time of meals. Even hi? 
children could not approach him freely. He never took us to task except by assuming silence 
in the midst of conversation when anything inappropriate would escape our lips. We dreaded 
his silence much more than a bulldog fears the whip of the trainer. 



more of Jadunath as a man in his old surroundings. His was a strong 
personal rule outside the Home Department of our “mother”. He would 
look to everything for himself even down to supervising the labour 
employed for renovation and extension of the library block. Apparently 
he seemed not to know anything of us ; but now and then we were taken 
by surprise. For three successive evenings he beat up our dormitory for 
securing audience for Patna University Readership lectures on the 
aborigines of Chhota Nagpur by no less a reputed authority than Rai 
Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy. He told us that it was his experience that in 
such lectures except the speaker and the president hardly a third soul was 
to be expected. 

There was perhaps a strict order that our quota of afternoon 
refreshments should reach the dormitory before 4 p. m. One day he 
himself brought four half-plates of refreshment for us to the dormitory 
and gave me one rupee saying, “If by 4 p. m. you do not get your 
refreshment from within my house, buy jilebi for you all.” His youngest 
son, Satyen Babu, who spent most of his time with us in the dormitory, 
began to watch the hand of the clock 15 minutes before 4 p. m. and then 
cried out, “One minute past 4 p. m., give me the rupee and let us have 
hot jilebi." Sometimes it would happen that our regular refreshments 
and the purchased jilebi reached us almost simultaneously a few minutes 
after four, and we consoled ourselves with the plea that we did not dare 
violate our patriarch’s command. We had a jolly time with our 
researches and care-free life under his roof wherever he went. 

( 10 ) 

At last the day of emancipation from paid service, a yoke after all 
howsoever exalted, came, and brisk preparations went on in the Patna 
College to bid him farewell. So far as routine work is concerned there 
is no last day with Jadunath ; but the students had felt sure that he 
would not be taking his classes on that day. But he started as usual for the 
college with his books, took every class to the last minute with unperturbed 
composure and without any reference to his retirement, signed off his 
charge at 4 p. m.. and then only turned to customary courtesies of bidding 
good-bye to his college. When the farewell party was over after dusk 
he walked straight to the library, put his books on the table and asked me 
to put a chair outside. He felt as much joy and relief as if he had been 
released from prison and said, "What a relief from the trouble of dressing 
and undressing for office from tomorrow ! I felt teaching not one-tenth 
as exacting as ever-present anxiety for punctual attendance and the 
botheration of dressing under compulsion.” Then he fell into a pensive 
mood and said, “Where are they with whom I had started my career ?” 



Jadunath had been declared Vice-Chancellor-designate of the University 
of Calcutta before his retirement. One Saturday evening was fixed as 
the time of his departure for Calcutta. This inauspicious moment 
according to our deep-rooted Bengali superstition made me uneasy, and at 
last I ventured to submit whether he might not start next evening. He 
smiled and said, “Why ? Is it because this is Saturday ?” He shared 
none of our superstitions, nor any of our weaknesses ; and this was the 
reason why his personality like that of Aurangzeb inspired more of awe 
and admiration than affection among his children and devoted servants. 

( 11 ) 

The Vice-Chancellorship of the Calcutta University though honorary 
exacted much more from Jadunath in physical and mental strain than his 
thirty years* service as an educationist. He began with his wonted 
industry and thoroughness working at his desk from 3 to 8 p. m., which 
no Honorary Vice-Chancellor before and after him ever did. The 
ministerial staff so long accustomed to indiscipline and evasion, sighed for 
the old regime when Jadunath, unsparing of himself, prodded them to 
stop the rot. The Examinations of this University from paper-setting 
to tabulating had become an open scandal, which, therefore, became a 
pressing concern. Jadunath’s reforms in this field, though wholesome, 
did not prove enduring. He set about demanding arrears of tuition fees 
from students 1 and trying to restore the financial solvency of the 
University by economy in various ways. But the old Tudor personal 
rule could not be reformed in two years. 

However, it was fortunate for him and unfortunate for the well-wishers 
of the country that Jadunath refused to continue as Vice-Chancellor after 
two years when continued residence at Calcutta began to tell upon his 
health. He then settled permanently for 13 years in Darjeeling. While 
at Patna Jadunath had purchased a plot of land on the Tonga Road, and 
spent a large sum in building on it a commodious house for his library and 
family. He had a mind to name it <f J^tavan’* after the Buddhistic legend 
and procured a paris-plaster replica of the scene of the gift of that garden 
to Lord Buddha as found at Bharhut. 

But at the age of seventy he began to find the high altitude of 
Darjeeling oppressive to his lungs, and therefore stopped visiting that 
town from li41 onwards. In 1954 the building and lands were sold to 
the Everest Conqueror, Tensing Norkay Sherpa. 

1. I had not paid three months 1 tuition fees for ray B L. Third year class. Fortunately 
he cho.e to retire from office before the plan materialised. 



Since 1940 he has been living in a new house built by himself at 10, 
Lake Terrace in South Calcutta, five minute’s walk from the Dhakuria 

At about 6 p.m. on the eve of the King-Emperor’s Birth Day in the 
year 1929, when Jadunath had come out to the open terrace, a Government 
House bearer in livery came and handed him a big embossed envelope. 
Jadunath pocketed the letter after reading it and silently paced the avenue 
of pines in the compound. But in the ladies’ corner of the house brisk 
speculation and great excitement went on about the contents of the letter. 
Before the night meal when Jadunath returned to their rooms came mother’s 
opportunity. She asked him, “I hear that you have become something. 
Is it true ?” '‘Yes”, he replied in good humour, "from today people will 
call you Lady Sarkar.” 

There was no jubilation openly in the household nor any beating of 
drums from outside, but only a heavy feast after 3 days which we exacted 
from mother on this occasion. 

( 12 ) 

Jadunath, they say, is a misanthrope, a melancholy recluse, who has 
preferred books to men all through his life. It will be unfair to dismiss 
this indictment as born of malice, though it might be an ex-parte decree 
against one who has kept his heart a sealed book with studious effort. In 
truth he loves man no less than books. But his love of man is a closely 
guarded secret, whereas his love of books borders on a passion that 
has cost him a considerable portion of his modest income, and much of 
personal comfort. He spends money beyond his means in getting valuable 
Persian Mss. copied in a beautiful hand and bound, whereas he could not 
be persuaded to buy a new shaving razor, being content with his old one 
after eighteen years’ service. On a journey he puts books and manuscripts 
carefully wrapped up in his suitecase, whereas trousers and coat go with 
the bedding, as was noticed once by Mrs. R. C. Majumdar, whose guest 
he happened to be in Dacca. In Darjeeling and elsewhere too he used to 
keep his manuscripts always in his bedroom. It so happened that on one 
occasion his bundle of fresh arrivals invaded the narrow passage to the 
kitchen and dining room of his Darjeeling house. This at last brought 
a thunder from Lady Sarkar who asked whether his books meant to turn 
out human inmates into the street. He used to take a periodical stock 
and dispense with non-essential books giving these away in gift to 
schools and colleges. He does not lack charity, if he is convinced that his 
books will be better utilised elsewhere. He purchased Portuguese 
histories of India worth about Rs. 300/-/- and later made a gift of the whole 


lot to the Dacca University Library, where his pupil happened to serve. 
Today his library which has proved the nursery of research in Indo-Muslim 
history for three generations, wears a sorry spectacle in spite of its growing 
size. He has not allowed any servants to dust and clean his books, which 
he was seen to do himself occasionally helped by his pupils. He knows the 
exact place of every book on the shelves, and he feels annoyed when any 
book is misplaced. No neglect but sheer unwieldiness has brought his 
library to this sorry condition. It is nevertheless his joy and pride, nay 
the only consolation of his tragic life. 

( 13 ) 

Few people, so goes our impression, have ever seen or heard Jadunath 
in his lighter veins. Those who had occasion to meet him in suffering and 
bereavement have found him to be a heroic character rare in old age. 
Once he was confined to bed for three montns with his broken knee cap. 
A friend of mine Dr. Mahmud Husain one day visited him and found him 
active and cheerful in his sickbed as if nothing had happened. When 
their conversation turned round the Wahabis, the subject of Dr. Husain s 
research, Jadunath took out a pencil and a piece of paper from beneath his 
pillow and wrote out a full bibliography on the Wahabis in India in a few 
minutes which would have taken any other man as many weeks to prepare 

it. He has only one way of forgetting the world and its miseries, namely, 

work, harder work. 

From his writings, utterances and conduct in life nobody can exactly 
guess his religious convictions. There was a time when orthodox Hindus 
branded him as an unconverted Brahmo Smajist in ideas, and Brahmos 
suspected him to be a tough Hindu in the garb of an intellectualist. In his 
writings and criticism he has been bitter against caste-ridden society and 

the senseless superstitions of popular Hinduism, and somewhat lenient to 

Islam and Christianity, the good points of which he has not failed to 
admire even to the irritation of Hindus. Similarly, he has not shown any 
softness like his noble friend Rao Bahadur G, S. Sardesai to the Marathas, 
and the nationalists of Maharashtra are rudely shaken in their dream of 
the Hindupad Padshahi by his relentless analysis of the defects of their 
national character. 

But his severity and plain speaking is not that of an enemy but of a 
lover of the Maratha people disappointed at their political failure to 
achieve the high mission for which they were destined. However, he is 
in general a sincere conformist and it is his rule not to offend the suscepti- 
bilities of any creed by his personal conduct. We have seen him taking 
part in the **Son-bhandar loot” festivity of Maharashtra on the Dassera 



evening at Kamshet quite seriously, and even a few months back at eighty 
our no teen-ager more gleeful than he in witnessing the submersion of the 
idols of Durga at Lucknow, or more serious in having a sprinkling of 
waters of peace seated in the company of his grandchildren. 

Jadunath loves those that serve humanity irrespective of caste and 
creed, and therefore his religious charity goes generally to the Ramakrishna 
Mission. The old knight stiff in his literary hauteur and seemingly devoid 
of any sentiment falls into raptures when he speaks of Sister Nivedita 
and warms up in genuine admiration at the ment on of the name of 
Vivekananda. He is not a devotee of any mortal born of mother’s womb, 
believing neither in incarnations nor prophets. 

However, there lies hidden somewhere in Jadunath the spring of 
Ab-i-Hayat (water of life', that keeps the old knight of many scars of 
woe and bereavements still green and erect at eighty-seven. What is it 
that sustains a life otherwise unbearable, and sustains it with undiminished 
mental vigour in Jadunath ? This is perhaps the spirit of his father and 
his father’s Vaishnavism, too lofty, too sublime to be comprehended 
by lesser beings. Jadunath has offered a perennial oblation of peace 
to the soul of his father by writing in English Life and Teachings of 
Chaitanya, which is more widely read outside Bengal than any other work 
of his. We had occasions to notice that Jadunath’s patience with 
Vaishnava visitors in Patna and Cuttack, and his deep religious calm when 
he took me and Maharajkumar Raghubir Sinhji of Sitamaii with him in a 
trip to Mathura, Brindavan, Gokul and Govardhan. At Govardhan he 
could not escape the importunities of priest to pour milk on the idol of 
the hill-lifting Girdhar Lalji and deputed me to do the needful for the 
welfare of us all the three, spending one anna for each. I did everything 
with due reverence, but found my woollen socks missing from outside the 
temple. God knows whether the master or the pupil was the wiser. At 
Darjeeling while" hurrying from a tea party at his house to preside over a 
meeting of the Hari Sabha he forgot to take off his necktie in the change- 
over to dhoti and chadar indicating perhaps which way the wind of his 
spiritual allegiance blew, even after making a due allowance to his anxiety 
to be punctual in every function. 

( 14 ) 

Jadunath is known to be a man of strong likes and dislikes, highly 
sensitive, uncompromising and unyielding, and sometimes even rude in his 
dealings with an unworthy man. But whenever he either forms an 
opinion about a person or deals with a man, he thinks and behaves with 
full consciousness and without fear. 



A man is known, they say, by his friends-a clue to character that 
fails in Jadunath’s case ; because he never perhaps could have a friend 
according to the orthodox Sanskrit connotation of the word, i.e. a dear one 
on terms of reciprocity with regard to giving and taking, telling and 
asking each other’s secrets. It is not because of any lack of chivalry on 
the part of the old knight, but because his own self is capacious enough 
to hold his joys and sorrows without any need of a kindred soul to catch 
their overflow’. The only exception to this remark is Dr. Govind 
Sardesai, the foremost historian of Maharashtra, with whom Sarkar has 
been on the closest terms of intimacy for full fifty years, the two 
travelling together, living together, and conducting joint literary work 
year after year, so that Sarkar ani Sardesai has become a byword in the 

Jadunath suffers from a sort of lofty loneliness of spirit, which is 
his own creation. For Rabindranath Jadunath perhaps had esteem and 
affection bordering on sentiment, because we once saw him carrying for 
the poet in Darjeeling some sweets prepared by Lady Sarkar. He was 
on intimate terms with Acharya Prafulla Chandra, the bachelor patriarch 
of three generations of Indian Chemists. One good service rendered to 
the venerable and eccentric scientist by Jadunath was that he could 
dissuade Prafulla Chandra from his dear project of delivering a broadside 
of history against the British regime in India for which he had been 
enthusiastically collecting all available anti-British historical literature 
of patriotic foam and half-truths. Sir Jadunath and Lady Abala Bose 
were also known to have shared Jadunath’s regard and affection. With 
the renowned Journalist Ramananda Chatter jee his relations had a touch 
of sentiment. Unlike many persons in high stations in life Jadunath had 
never been a snob in the choice of acquaintances. His grandchildren 
report that the old man sometimes hums a sloka or tune to himself. 
There is undoubtedly a Stoic rythm of life in him, which is outwardly so 
hard, severe, passionless and remote. In him fire is a kindly light and 
at times a fierce flame too. 

Jadunath Sarkar as a Historian 


K. R. QANUNGO, M. A., Ph. D. 

( 1 ) 

It is approximately correct to say that the historiography of Medieval 
India begins with Al-Beruni and Kalhana. Al-Beruni stands even to this 
day as an arch-type of what a student of Indo-Muslim history should be- 
sofcer, critical and yet sympathetic. Kalhana set an example of writing a 
regional and dynastic history on a comprehensive scale with an inde- 
pendence rare among court chroniclers of later times. But their examples 
were not followed up. History became a handmaid of courts and kings. 
Historians of the pre-Mughal period were exclusively Muslim who wrote 
with an eye to court patronage and the applause of the orthodox. How- 
ever, they did not wilfully falsify facts though religious bias was strong. 
Among the Hindus, historical tradition was kept alive in the twelfth 
century by the Raso literature of Rajasthan, Sanskrit panegyrics (e. g. 
Prithviraja-Vijayam ), dramas, and the unwritten bardic tales. 

The age of Akbar was the golden age of historiography. Abul 
Fazl was its hero unsurpassed for centuries later in scholarship, moral 
purity, catholicity of mind and a secular outlook on history though an 
imperialist to the core. Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama with its supplement 
Ain-e-Akbari was, in design and spirit, a literary reflex of the idealism 
of his unlettered patron and friend, Akbar the Great. Though he lacked 
the critical acumen and freedom of his great predecessor. Al-Beruni, 
Abul Fazl followed the path of Al-Beruni in his study of the early history 
and cultural heritage of India, a revival which was for the first time 
seriously attempted by Akbar. Akbar under the advice of Todarmal 
made Persian the official language of the Mughal Empire. This was a 
momentous step in the sixteenth century like the introduction of English 
as the official language of British India in the nineteenth century. Persian 
remained no longer an alien language of the unclean malechhas. Hindus 
soon mastered Persian, and within a century equalled if not excelled the 
Indian Muslims in their literary skill in Persian. What was most impor- 
tant, Hindus caught the contagion of love for history from the Muslims. 
Ishwardas Nagar in the reign of Aurangzeb was the first Hindu historian 
of Aurangzeb as Sir Jadunath is in the present century. 



( 2 ) 

Bengal had been the land of poetry, jurisprudence and logic in 
ancient times, but not of history and historians ; and so did her cultural 
tradition remain in the middle ages. Hidus of Bengal could not boast of 
a history like Rajatarangini in their days of independence. 
Sandhyakar Nandi’s Ramacharitam, a historical panegyric and that too 
in subtle metaphor, is the only work to Bengal’s credit. It seems the soil 
of Bengal was unsuited to history. Even the Muslims of Bengal took the 
path of Hindus turning away from history which was flourishing so 
luxuriously in other parts of India. A phenomenal change came upon 
Bengal under the impact of British civilization. She became the seed 
plot of the Indian Renaissance, of the Reformation and of the Revolution 
as well. 

The historiography of Modern India dates from the establishment of 
British rule in Bengal. Muslims as well as Hindus turned to reconstruct 
the history of Bengal, everyone within his own sphere under the guiding 
English genius. Riyaz-us-Salatin, Tarikh-e-Bangala, and Hamidullah 
Khan’s Tarikh-e-Cbatgam were the first fruits of Muslim scholarship and 
enthusiasm ; and Ram Ram Basu’s Bengali biography written in the first 
decade of the nineteenth century was the first Hindu attempt at 
historical composition in prose. We need not follow the subsequent 
phases of progress in this direction which did not perhaps determine the 
career of Sir Jadunath as a historian. 

( 3 ) 

Sir Jadunath has not revealed the forces that weaned a student from 
English literature to Indo-Muslim history. We only learn this much from a 
radio talk of his (later on published in the Bengali Journal, Prabasi) that it 
was his father who implanted a love for history in his young mind, and that 
it was through the gate of Western history that he had entered the field of 
historical researches in Indian History. This is understandable as 
Jadunath once remarked that he had to read the Italian historian, 
Sismandi, to appreciate Dante better. European history, therefore, 
preoccupied him as an essential subsidiary of English literature, apart 
from its being one of the subjects of his Honours course of the University 
of Calcutta. This is in our opinion the roost potent influence in the 
make-up of Jadunath as a historian. If Jadunath stands out today as an 
individualist, unique and unparalleled for insight and farsight into 
different ages and epochs of world history of which history of India is but 
a chapter, he owes it to his early grounding in European history and to 
intellectual discipleship to the great historians of nineteenth century, 



Ranke and Mommsen, Acton and Maitland, Macaulay and Gibbon. Had 
Jadunath started with Indian history only, he like some other illustrious 
historians of our country, would not have been able to take a detached 
view of men and matters, or to cultivate the calm disinterested judicial 
temper on which historical science depends. He always impressed on 
his pupils that any specialisation which is not broad based on a decent 
amount of general knowledge of the subject as a whole is bound to 
miscarry in the field of Humanities. 

( 4 ) 

It is common knowledge that Sir Jadunath Sarkar did not take his 
M. A. degree in History, though he took first class Honours in it at the 
B. A. stage. He started his career as a teacher of English literature and 
not of history, and his allegiance to literature is almost sentimental even 
to this day. This may appear rather embarrassing to the present 
generation. We know of some bright scholars of English literature who 
taught history exclusively and with eminent success up to the highest 
university standard, though they did not write history. The fact is that 
in Jadunath’s days students of English literature were required to read 
more of European history than students read today for their M. A. 
degree in History. Jadunath like his younger contemporary G. M. 
Trevelyan at Harrow, a truant from the classics to History, might 
as well say, ‘‘Shakespeare and Milton, Keats and Tennyson” meant 
to him "quite as much as Gibbon and Macaulay, Carlyle and Ruskin.” 
Though aware of the shortcomings of Macaulay as a historian, Jadunath 
seems to have been under the spell of Macaulay as a stylist. As a 
master of vigorous historical prose Macaulay and not Gibbon must 
have been his model, though both were inimitable. The other favourite 
author of Jadunath was Green, sections from whose Short History of 
the English People he would read aloud before starting any new 
chapter of his books. Sir Jadunath’s History of Aurangzih and his 
Fall of the Mughal Empire reveal that Macaulay and Green were 
for narration. Irvine seems to be another historian who deeply 
contending in him besides Napier influenced Jadunath’s style and method 
of writing in the early stages. 

( 5 ) 

Jadunath required a terra firma of history as distinguished from 
prosaic archaeology, epigraphy and numismatics to suit his literary genius. 
He preferred the Muslim period on account of its wealth of historical 
literature and a virgin field for digging in for new materials, ancient India 
being rather barren of bona fide political history. He chose Aurangzeb 



as the subject of his life’s work. At the start it was a hazard and a 
speculation for the young scholar. He was a Hindu, and no other Hindu 
after Ishwardas Nagar and Bhimsen Burhanpuri in the reign of Aurangzeb 
had ventured to write anything original on Aurangzeb. Jadunath clearly 
realized the immensity of the task in view of the fact that almost all the 
sources were available in Persian and Marathi both of which he did not 
know. If the challenge was extremely formidable, Jadunath’s preparation 
was equally strenuous and well-planned, and everything in him was 
movement and zeal. He began Persian from the alphabet, and gradually 
learnt enough to tackle the Persian chronicles in manuscript. Jadunath’s 
India of Aurangzib : its Topography, Statistics and Roads, published in 
1901, was a surprise to his contemporaries, and at once hailed as a model 
of neat and exact scholarship. 

A few years after a political storm burst over Bengal and rapidly 
spread all over India with the Bengal Partition of 1905 during the 
viceroyalty of Lord Curzon. A wave of anti-British feeling filled every 
genuine heart, and Jadunath could not but have a shaking. He was, 
however, the most moderate of his family. His more inflammable younger 
brother. Bijaynath, B.A., C.E., after a conflict with his British superiors 
in the Central Provinces, lost the post of the Executive Engineer, and 
took to Swadeshi with full ardour. Jadunath prepared a sober broad- 
side which hit the British Indian Government at its weakest spot, namely 
its economic policy. His Economics of British India came out in 1909 and 
received a warm welcome throughout India from general readers and 
students of economics alike for its irrefutable logic and the charm and 
vigour of its style. Down to our college days (1918) our classmates used 
to commit passages from his book to memory and recite them to fan the 
patriotic fire of the sluggered amongst us. This book went through four 
editions, till the author himself withdrew it from the market when History 
made it impossible to keep himself up-to-date with Indian Economics. 
Though Jadunath’s book was a vigorous attack on British economic policy 
in India, Sir Theodore Morison appreciated the courage and independence 
of the author of Economics of British India no less than his “conscientious 
investigation of detail”. 

( 6 ) 

Jadunath’s first two volumes of Aurangzeb came out in July 1912. 
These volumes were at once acknowledged as the “best authority" on the 
subject. The author was complimented for “his manner of treating the 
subject (which) might as well serve as a model to writers dealing with 
periods of Indo-Musalman history”. (Sir E- D. Ross') Maulana Shibli, 



an ocean of Islamic learning, in spite of his differences of opinion with 
Jadunath, was generous enough to acknowledge the value of his work and 
help him in tracing the manuscript of Haft Anjuman in Banaras. In 
order to understand a Muslim one must understand Islam, and the key to 
Islam lies with Islamic history. Jadunath spent a couple of years over 
Islamic history and culture outside India so that he might do justice to 
Aurangzeb who was much less an individual than an ideology that had 
inspired the Muslim community at every critical period. Chips from 
Jadunath’s workshop came out in the form of Anecdotes of Aurangzib, 
Historical Essays (November 1912), the Persian text of Hamid-ud-din’s 
Ahkam-i-Alamgiri, and as if a counterpoise in the direction of the author’s 
inherited faith, a monograph on Chaitanya : his Pilgrimages and Teach- 
ings, in 1913 (afterwards Chaitanya’ s Life and Teachings, 3rd edition, 
1932). Our saintly C. F. Andrews wrote of this book as “a work of 
surpassing value, full of human interest from beginning to end.” 

Four years’ interval between the publication of the first two volumes 
and the third were years of strenuous preparation for Jadunath. The 
moral and religious Regulations of Aurangzeb, Jihad and Jaziya, temple 
destruction and the Hindu reaction were highly controversial and inflamm- 
able topics when the anti-national Muslim communalism fanned by the 
sinister influence of British imperialism was dreaming of a Muslim India 
by garbling history. The historian’s mission was to discover “the truth, 
the whole truth and nothing but the truth about the past,” which had 
unfortunately become a live issue at the time of writing the third volume 
and was heading for its first triumph by the Montagu Chelmsford Reforms 
of 1919, the year of the publication of the fourth volume of the History 
of Aurangzib. The whirlwind of political passions could not disturb the 
juristic equanimity of the stern historian, equally indifferent to praise 
and blame of any but the Illuminati of humanity. 

The third volume was released from the press in 1916. It created a 
stir in the country. The Muslims as well as the Hindus felt aggrieved for 
opposite reasons. English education has done at least this much good to 
the intelligentsia of India that it has alerted our conscience and created 
for us a code of moral equity and fairness in literary criticism. 
Jadunath's method of putting his case in the spirit of a judge giving 
direction to the jury of humanity, born and unborn, came as a 
challenge to the Muslims, particularly so resentful of the interpretation 
on Islamic institutions by a Hindu. But facts spoke for themselves clearly 
enough, and the testimony of Aurangzeb himself corroborated by the 
historical evidence of equally good Muslims, created a desperate situation 
for the apologists of Aurangzeb. 



The Hindus on the other hand suffering as much from a fever of 
reactionary communalism complained that Jadunath had branded the 
champions and martyrs of Hindu independence in the seventeenth 
century as rebels and robbers, to whom his pen was no more lenient than 
Aurangzeb’s sword. Maharashtra was particularly perturbed becaruse 
Jadunath was preparing to invade the realm of Maratha history in his next 
volume and fight the Maratha historians with their own weapons, and on 
their own ground. Jadunath brought out his Shivaji and his Times in 
July, 1919, and the fourth volume of Aurangzeb (dealing with the Deccan 
in Shiva ji’s and Shambhuj’s reigns) in the month of December of that 
year. Thus Shivaji and Aurangzeb confronted each other on the shelf of 
reveiwers and scholars competent to pronounce judgment on them both. 
In the course of reviewing the History of Aurangzib for History (1922), 
old H. Beveridge remarked : “Jadunath Sarkar may be called Primus in 
India as the user of Persian authorities for the history of India. He might 
also be styled Bengali Gibbon.” The veteran historian V. A. Smith on 
the eve of retirement from the field of active research commended him 
for “learning impartiality and critical ability” and wished him to continue 
his “good work of giving honest history” ! But honest history was becoming 
risky in India. Jadunath’s treatment of the nature of Jaziya was resented 
by some of the faithful as unfair and inaccurate, though he had simply 
summed up ‘'the agreed judgments” of Muslim Jurists without any comment 
of his own. But facts were so inconvenient for them that both Islam and 
Aurangzeb could not be exonerated in the same breath. 

Jadunath has touched upon Aurangzeb’s temple destruction rather 
lightly to satisfy historical justice. Yet there was a protest by a Muslim 
that Jadunath had not been fair to Aurangzeb by omitting the notice of 
Aurangzeb’s Banaras Farman, whereby he granted certain lands to the 
Vishwanath Temple. Half informed critics usually do not get the 
compliment of a reply from Jadunath. But when the same charge was 
repeated at intervals he published a reply that silenced his critics for 
good. The Farman had been issued during Aurangzeb’s struggle with 
Shuja just by way of a political move to win for the time being the 
goodwill and cooperation of the Hindus for capturing Shuja, and had 
nothing to do with his spirit of toleration. 

Jadunath’s patience with legitimate criticism is great. The 
Shivaji-Aizal Khan affair is an example. Professor A. F. Rahman 
questioned his authority and reasons for his view that the murder of 
Afzal Khan was a “preventive murder.” As the authorities were almost 
evenly balanced he pursued the affair for twenty years, and added an 
appendix to his fifth edition of Shivaji (pp. 72-3), replying to his friend’s 



criticism by producing the testimony of a good Muslim, Mir Alam, the 

famous Wazir of Nizam-ul-Mulk and historian, who says, “ the 

Khan intoxicated with the pride of being a hero gripped Shivaji 

very hard in the act of embracing and struck him with his belt-dagger.” 


Maharashtra got a mixed shock with the publication of Jadunath s 
Shivaji and his Times. Public indignation against Grant Duff, verily 
the greatest pioneer in Maratha history, was no doubt allayed to some 
extent, and the Marathas rejoined at Jadunath’s irrefutable logic clenched 
with facts in clearing Shivaji of the charge of ‘‘the murder of an invited 
guest.” But they were unhappy over a more heinous crime of Shivaji, 
namely, the acquisition of Javli ‘‘by a deliberate murder and organised 
treachery on the part of Shivaji” (fifth edition, p. 43). Jadunath owes 
much to the labours of his predecessors and contemporaries, like Khare, 
Purandare and Sardesai, who had been most assiduous in making almost 
a house to house search in the Deccan for every bit of historical papers 
relating to Maratha history. They started with the laudable ambition of 
giving their country-men a history of Maharashtra written by Marathas 
and for Marathas. But there was a lack of constructive historical genuius 
among them till Jadunath and Sardesai appeared in the field ; the former 
from without and with a disinterested passion for truth, and the latter 
from within with a broad outlook tinged only with a laudable bias for his 
own nation. There were others who like Goldsmith s SchoolmastCY 
though defeated could argue still. A reviewer, himself an author of several 
histories and a reputed historian, attacked Jadunath on the Javli affair, 
pleading that the murder of the three Mores was prompted to found a 
Hindu Swaraj. ( The Mahratta. 31 August 1924). However, better sense 
gradually prevailed, and the Maratha people became accustomed to 
stomach authentic history. 

This book was well received by reviewers and critics. H. Beveridge 
wrote : “All his books are good ; but perhaps the best of them is the Life 
and Times of Shivaji.” Sir Richard Temple hailed this work as “indeed 
History treated to the right way and in the right spirit.” V. A. Smith 
said that it was “a bold and deliberately provocative book” meriting "the 
closest study." 

Jadunath’s Shivaji was undoubtedly a bold and provocative invasion 
of a special preserve of Maratha historians. He does not try to stir up 
patriotic passions to white heat. The book is cool, severe, and does not 
show regards for people’s sentiments wrought up by the memory of their 
past looming so magnificent beyond proportions through the magnifying 
coloured glass of a school of national history. Jadunath’s thesis that 



before the rise of Shivaji there was no Maratha nation, that Shivaji failed 
to create an enduring state and weld together the Maratha people into a 
nation, and that the Marathas did not attain nationhood under the 
Peshwas, was the greatest provocation he gave to Maharashtra chauvanists. 
He is no pessimist. He has rehabilitated Shivaji in all his real glory in 
the heart of every patriot throughout this sub-continent. In the midst 
of political gloom Shivaji came as a ray of hope for Hindu India. The 
real significance of Shivaji’s life according to him is that he has 
shown that the tree of Hinduism is not really dead, that it can rise 

beneath the seemingly crushing load of centuries of political bondage ; 

it can put forth new leaves and branches ; it can again lift its head up to 
the skies.” (.Shivaji, p. 390) 

( 8 ) 

Five years intervened between the publication of volume IV and 
volume V of Jadunath’s History of Aurangzib. These were years of 
strenuous activity. Besides the completion of the last volume of 
Aurangzib he had to undertake the editing and publication of Irvine's 
Later Mughals at the request of his daughter. He was at sea with the 
mass of papers and notes bristling with dates and references, many of 
them beyond his immediate reach. And he was not accustomed to take 
anything on trust where history was concerned. So he had to get 
photos and transcripts of all the original authorities with a margin of 
fifty years ahead of the period covered by Irvine’s labours. His knowledge 
of the Marathi, other indigenous and foreign sources was brought to bear 
upon the period of Irvine’s specialised study which had been based on 
Persian sources mainly. Such a Herculean task was completed in a 
manner that might have been a surprise to Irvine himself if he could 
have risen from the grave. Jadunath checked every date, emended 
authorities, and clipped off unwieldy though learned foot-notes. He 
himself added three chapters to bring the story to the invasion of Nadir 
Shah (1739). On this enlarged historical canvass appeared the Sikhs and 
Jats, Bundelas and Marathas, with a background of the early history of 
each of these new factors. A man without the fine sense of literary 
proportions possessed by Jadunath would have been lost in the wood in 
the attempt to edit such a book. Once Sir Jadunath humorously re- 
marked that if he had not used his discretion in omitting much of what 
Irvine had written against the Sikh community, he would have been by 
that time become a martyr. The History of the Later Mughals came 
out in 1922 in two thick royal octavo volumes covering only thirty-two 
years’ history of the Mughal Empire after Aurangzeb’s death. It was 
admitted that “no more competent an authority than Professor Jadunath 



Sarkar could have been found to edit it (Irvine’s life’s work).” The famous 
English historian P. E. Roberts said, “It drives a broad pathway through 

a very tangled jungle, ..clears up many disputed points, throws a 

flood of light on the manners, customs and characters of the time and 
certainly will always remain one of the chief authorities of the period... .” 
(English History Review ) 

With the publication of his last volume on Aurangzeb, the historian 
at last comes out of the wood, takes a panoramic view of it, and falls into 
a pensive mood of philosophic contemplation over this tragedy in five acts 
of the drama with Aurangzeb as its hero. He then begins to think over 
his country’s past and future in the light of the colossal failure of 
Aurangzeb, “who was above the joys and sorrows, weakness and pity of 
mortals, one who seemed to have hardly any element of common humanity 
in him, who lived in the world but did not seem to be of it.” In the last 
two chapters Jadunath assumes the stern tone of a monitor of his people, 
and delivers his message with the clear vision and emphasis of a seer. 
“If India is ever to be the home of a nation able to keep peace within 
and guard the frontiers, develop the economic resources of the country 
and promote art and science, then both Hinduism and Islam must die and 
be born again. Each of these creeds must pass through a rigorous vigil 
and penance, each must be purified and rejuvenated under the sway of 
reason and science.” Under pressure of the public demand for a condensed 
account of Aurangzeb, Jadunath published a Short History of Aurangzib. 
It gave a general relief and satisfaction, and to meet the requirements of 
the general readers its Hindi translation was also brought out- 


Jadunath had already established fame as a brilliant essayist by 
publishing his Studies in Mughal India in 1919, and Mughal Adminis- 
tration (combined volume in 1924). His essays were pronounced 
“charming” and authoritative, miniature ivory caskets of fine literary 
workmanship. His Mughal Administration is a model of condensation 
without the sacrifice of clarity. It remains the standard book on the 
subject, indispensable for every student of Indo-Muslim history. Jadunath’s 
Studies in Aurangzib' s Reign (third edition, first in 1933) consisting of a 
series of essays ‘ of the most entertaining description” ( Asiatic Quarterly 
Review ) was another valuable publication. Essays on Jahanara, 
Zeb-un-nisa, and a Muslim heroine (Sahibji) give a glimpse of the noble 
womanhood of Mughal India. Other essays : Daily Life of Aurangzib, 
Education of a Mughal Prince, Industries of Aurangzib' s Empire, 
Aurangzib's Letters, are interesting and authoritative ; while Firingi 



Pirates of Chatgaon and the Mughal Conquest of Chatgaon break a new 

His small book of 99 pages, entitled India through the Ages shows 
his unrivalled skill in handling the telescope of history. The first three 
chapters dealing with the Aryans and their legacies, the work of Buddhism 
and its life story in India fall outside the scope of our author’s special 
field of study. Though in the preface he explicitly disavows any claim 
to originality for this portion of his work, there is a freshness of outlook 
which we miss in the wood of Indology explored by specialists. This 
small book has weight and charm beyond its stature, coming in as it does 
as an indispensable handbook to the intelligentsia of Free India, so far as 
a bird’s eye view of India’s progress through centuries, and an insight into 
“the composite development of the India of the present day” are 
concerned. The last chapter, How the British lost India, strikes a 
balance of our loss and gain under British rule, out of thirteen points 

eight being in favour and five against it. He concludes thus : “ A 

class of professional politicians (z. e. persons without ostensible means of 
livelihood, as defined by the Bihar Government to the Simon Commission) 
has risen to power, and are only held back from doing incalculable 

mischief by a few giants at the top political detention is proclaimed 

as a qualification for a ministership, a coat without a collar is the 

symbol of true patriotism Patient constructive workers for the 

nation’s uplift are taunted with having made no sacrifice compared with 
the white cap patriots. Patriotism of thi s type is sometimes cashed into 
bogus joint stock banks” (pp. 98-99). Nevertheless the aged historian 
is a staunch nationalist but he foresees that fifty years hence ‘‘England’s 
marvellous achievement in India will be appraised in a just balance in 
calm of mind, all passion spent.” Here speaks out the last of the 
Victorian stalwarts in the Indian sub-continent- His analysis and pre- 
diction will hold water if England in her resentful mood of superiority 
complex does not do any greater mischief to India during the next fifty 

If any person of scanty leisure cares to read one single book of 
Jadunath he should take up his India through the Ages. Similarly, if a 
specialist wants to have a peep into Jadunath’s laboratory of tests and 
his method of processing raw materials of Maratha history, he should 
consult Jadunath’s House of Shivaji (first edition 1940, third edition 
1955). Its first six chapters provide a background of Maratha history 
and the biography of Shahji Bhonsla in the light of Bijapuri State-papers. 
In Chapter VII Jadunath compares the relative historical value of 
Persian Akhbarat discovered by him with that of “thousands of letters 



of Shivaji’s time in the Marathi language printed by Rajwade and others... 
purely private legal documents...”. Important court letters have also 
been given in translation. The Dingal letters in the Jaipur Archives 
supply faithful reports of “the conversations held in Ram Singh’s house 
daily at night after his return from the Emperor’s court or during the 
visits of Shivaji to the Kachhwaha prince. 

The lives and labours of four devoted scholars and enthusiasts in 
Maratha history, namely, Rajwade and Sane, Khare and Parasnis, have 
been sketched in four brilliant essays, worthy tributes to his great 
fellow-workers in the field. Jadunath's technique of textual criticism 
finds proper scope in the fragmentary Sanskrit text of Shivaji’s poet 
laureate, Kavindra Paramananda and an epic on Shambhaji by Govinda. 
A startling fact is revealed that the fall of Shambhaji was due not so 
much to his own worthlessness and to his evil genius Kavi — kalas, as to a 
religious issue between Vedic Brahmanism of Maharashtra and the 
newly imported Tantrik worship from Northern India since after 
Shivaji’s second coronation. Religious jealousy blinded the patriotism 
of Maharashtra Brahmans, whose collusion with the Mughals accounts for 
Shambhaji’s surprise and tragic murder. Strange are the ways of man 
and his history ! 

( 10 ) 

Jadunath took twenty-five years to complete his History of 
Aurangzib in 1924, and the next twenty-five years to plan and execute a 
more difficult project, namely, the history of the fall of the Mughal 
Empire in four volumes. The first volume was published in 1932 and the 
last in 1950. As regards the relative popularity of the two works, the 
Fall of the Mughal Empire scores a higher mark even with those who 
are not history-minded as doctors, journalists, lawyers and businessmen. 
The author does, not deny the fact that the writing of the Fall of the 
Mughal Empire was a harder task. First two volumes of it were com- 
paratively less exacting than the third and the fourth. In his preface to 
the third volume we read : "In fact, this third volume has taken twice 
the time of its immediate predecessor to write, because of the immensity, 
variety and confused character of the historical sources on which it is 
based. The date of thousands of laconic Marathi despatches had to be 
ascertained, the textual reading and arrangement of the Persian manu- 
script sources had to be corrected, before a single page of my narrative 
could be composed.” 

Secondly, Fall of the Mughal Empire is history of a higher order 
than the History of Aurangzib, which is but a biography writ large with 
an ample background. Jadunath gains more in ease, humour and 



eloquence, shows a greater mastery over historical narrative, and a higher 
literary workmanship, keeping a wonderful balance between synthesis and 
analysis by handling the telescope and microscope of history in his Fall 
of the Mughal Empire. 

Thirdly, Jadunath’s Fall of the Mughal Empire has a wider appeal 
to the people of India, and also of Europe than his History of Aurangzib, 
each volume of which imparts fine shades of colour to the picturesque 
carpet of the evening twilight of our medieval history. Here, in these 
volumes, the historian is on a more severe trial with regard to his 
impartiality and balance of judgement as the parties concerned are too 
many. He has to make his award between the Mughal and the Maratha, 
the Jat and the Ruhela, the Sikh and the Afghan, and between the English 
and the French, whose long-drawn rivalry throws a chequered light on the 
dark recesses of this unexplored jungle of history. 

This work in four volumes tells the story of the fall of two empires 
and the rise of the third. The historian’s verdict runs thus : — “The 
Mughal Empire and with it the Maratha overlordship of Hindustan fell 
because of the rottenness at the core of Indian society. This rottenness 
showed itself in the form of military and political helplessness. The 
country could not defend itself ; royalty was hopelessly depraved or 
imbecile; the nobles were selfish and shortsighted; corruption, inefficiency 
and treachery disgraced all branches of the public service. In the midst 
of this decay and confusion, our literature, art. and even true religion had 
perished.” (Vol. IV, 344-45) 


Jadunath’s own work as an author has not deprived the country of 
his active cooperation with other historical projects- He was a collaborator 
in the Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV to which he contributed four 
chapters (1937). He undertook the duties of an honorary general editor 
of the second volume of the Dacca University History of Bengal. He 
himself had to write ten and a half out of its twenty-six chapters, besides 
the bibliography. The historian thus concludes : "When the sun dipped 
into the Ganges behind the blood-red field of Plassey, on that fateful 
evening of June, did it symbolise the curtain dropping on a tragic drama ? 
Was that day followed by a night of eternal gloom for India... ?” Replying 
in the negative Jadunath says : "In June 1757, we crossed the frontier and 
entered into a great new world to which a strange destiny had led Bengal. 
May our future be the fulfilment of our past history !” Bengal’s past, "as 
narrated in these pages, shows how the diverse limbs of the country and 
warring tribes and sects of the people were fused into one by the silent 



working of time and a common political life till at the end of the Muslim 
period a Bengali People had become a reality. But not yet a Bengali 
nation, for the pre-requisite of a nation was then wanting.” ( History of 
Bengal , Vol. ii, pp. 498-99) 

A close perusal of the works of Sir Jadunath Sarkar mentioned in the 
preceding section reveals unity of conception, of theme, and of action, and 
an artistic literary presentation in a style that knows no immaturity of 
early age nor any decay at eighty. At eighty-two Jadunath began another 
supplementary work on the Military History of India beginning with 
Alexander’s invasion down to the last battle fought by Wellington on the 
Indian sub-continent (1803). So far as one can judge from articles on this 
subject published in the Sunday issues of the Hindusthan Standard , there 
is no slackening vigour and poignancy of style, or in his clarity of vision 
and judgment. He has all through his works revealed himself as a “sage 
counsellor and judge” treating history as an object lesson to his people for 
all ages to come. 

( 12 ) 

Howorth in the intorduction to his History of the Mongols holds the 
view that the historian is an architect who need not also be a digger and 
stone-dresser descending into the mines of original sources. Such a view 
of the function of a historian may hold good in certain spheres of historical 
study and only in advanced countries like England, where an army of 
diggers into the original sources of history has been working for generations. 
It is particularly untenable in the case of Indian history. If a student of 
Indian history wants to build anything endurable, he must be a digger 
and explorer of new materials within reach anywhere in the world as well 
as an architect. India today in the field of historical research is almost 
in the beginning of the nineteenth century in comparison with the West. 
Hence our scholars have to carry on building and quarrying simultan- 
eously, or face the risk of rearing up a thousand-pillared Hall of Rocksalt. 

So far as we know of Sir Jadunath he is not content with what he has 
done. His ambition was to sit down in old age and edit and publish a 
corpus of original materials in different languages utilised by him in his 
constructive works. For sixty long years he has been an indefatigable 
digger of original materials available in the libraries and archives of India. 
Though he has not travelled abroad to visit famous libraries of Europe, 
he can legitimately claim that through the catalogues of these libraries 
aided by a historian’s instinct he has been able to spot all the essential 
materials and secure these by transcripts, rotary bromide prints and 
photostats, as well as microfilm copies for his own use. 



One of the greatest though accidental discoveries of Jadunath is 
Mirza Nathans Baharistan-e-Ghalib from Paris library where it had been 
entered as a novel. This book proved to be a history written 
by a Mughal military officer fighting in Bengal under Jahangir’s 
Viceroys. This discovery created a sensation. A fairly good English 
translation of it was published by Dr. M. I. Borah of the Uuiversity of 
Dacca. His next great discovery was the importance of the archives 
of Jaipur Darbar. He was permitted to report on the value 
of these papers and secure transcripts on the condition of his 
writing a History of Jaipur. This History of Jaipur is lying in 
manuscript with the Maharaja of Jaipur because of some differences 
of opinion between the Darbar and the historian, who declined 
to modify his views for making this history acceptable to the 

It may also be pointed out that Jadunath is in the habit of translat- 
ing the whole or fairly large portion of every manuscript whether in 
Persian, Marathi, French or Portuguese that came into his hand. For 
example, he made full English translations of the histories of Ishwardas 
Nagar, Bhimsen Burhanpuri and Maasir-e-Alamgiri, only the last of which 
was published in the Bibliotheca Indica series in 1947; while bundles of 
slips written in ink or pencil bearing translations of other works are lying 
on the shelves of his library. He also edited a new up-to-date edition of 
Jarret’s English translation of Ain-e-Akbari for th* Bibliotheca Indica, of 
which two volumes have already come out. 

Jadunath’s project of a corpus will perhaps remain an unfulfilled 
ambition. Its huge expenditure is beyond his private resources, beyond 
the capacity even of a provincial exchequer. The only man who can do 
this work may not be available when our Central Government would 
awake to the necessity of having a corpus of Indo-Muslim history replac- 
ing the pioneer work started by Elliot and Dowson. The Government of 
Bombay have been most sympathetic to the suggestions of Jadunath. It 
was at his instance that the publication of the Selections from the Peshwa 
Daftar , and later on of the Poona Residency Correspondence and Historical 
Papers relating to Mahadji Sindhia (Persian) were undertaken by the 
Bombay Government. The main part of the work fell to the share of 
Sardesai, the greatest living historian of Maharashtra. Jadunath himself 
has edited Vol. I. of Poona Residency Correspondence (1936), Vol. VIII. 
(1945) and Vol. XIV; others having been done by some of Jadunath’s 
pupils under his guidance. 



( 13 ) 

Jadunath s ambition was to found a Seminar of Historical Research 
on the lines of Seminar of the German historian Ranke. But twentieth 
century India is not even nineteenth century Europe. He used to invite 
students to live with him at his own expense, and pick up the technique 
of historical research ; but the response was poor. Then he organised a 
Seminar at Sardesai’s residence at Kamshet near Poona in 1939, and in- 
vited students on whom he could rely for continuous devotion to clio 
from all over India, and gave them good grounding in the study and 
research in history. He forged the raw iron ore into tolerably good 
steel in his workshop good enough in later times to fill the chair of 
History at several Universities. But Jadunath is less fortunate in his 
pupils than Ranke none of whom having grown up even to waist high 
the master’s stature in fame and achievements. 

One of the greatest services rendered by Sir Jadunath to the cause 
of historical research is to pick up a Dara Shukoh from among the common 
run of Murads of the decadent ruling houses of Hindustan. This prince 
is Maharaj Kumar Raghubir Sinh of Sitamau. The Maharaj Kumar is 
the youngest of Jadunath’s pupils, a D. Litt. of Agra University and 
an author of renown in English and Hindi. Dr. Raghubir Sinh spent 
almost his whole fortune like Dara in building up a splendid research 
library at Sitamau. For researches in Indo-Muslim history. Dr. 
Raghubir Sinh s library is admittedly a self-contained institution, 
better even than Jadunath’s own library. 

A survey of Jadunath’s zeal for the discovery of original materials 
will remain incomplete without a notice of his work as the President of 
the Indian Historical Records Commission for many years since its 
inception. Its annual session became an institution of pilgrimage for 
scholars of medieval and modern periods of Indian history. It was hailed 
as a sort of annual stock exchange of the progress of research and dis- 
covery of historical materials. Old veterans, young budding scholars, 
representatives of universities and research institutions gathered there 
every year ; papers were read and discussed under the presidentship of 
Jadunath, who was the main attraction of the session. Grain was 
separated from chaff at its meetings, and sometimes forgeries 1 of Persian 

1. Only one example will suffice to prove this fact. Sardesai wrote to Sarkar on 
23. 7. 1939 from Kamshet : — “Another great fraud is successfully detected by Saletore about 
the ... Firmans being all forged. An old Hindu Pandit of Gulburg well versed in 
Persian accepted money from the late Raja and prepared the firmans only translating what 



manuscripts and documents foisted on unwary scholars became exposed 
under the fire of Jadunath’ s criticism. Through these meetings a large 
number of young scholars from every part of India received great 
inspiration from Jadunath thus widening the circle of his distant pupils. 

( 14 ) 

Outside Bengal it is not generally known that Jadunath has been a 
devoted student of Bengali literature, and that the nineteenth century 
Bengali historical prose owes much to him. His oldest research pupil 
was a merchant’s office clerk who had not crossed the door of a college. 
It was a miracle wrought by Jadunath who turned this clerk into the best 
original researcher in Bengali and made him a prolific writer of histori- 
cal books of approved worth on modern lines. This pupil of his was 
Brojendra Nath Banerjee, whose loss the old patriarch of many a scar 
mourns like the departure of a child of his own loins. Brojendra Nath’s 
achievement in constructive historical research relating to Bengal is 
greater than that of Jadunath himself. A splendid monument of Brojendra 
Nath’s critical skill and superhuman industry of many years, with the 
handicaps of monetary want and a desolate home, is his Sambad-patre se- 
kaler katha (now in its third edition, in 2 large vols.), an indispensable 
book of references for any research in the nineteenth century history of 
British rule in Bengal. Jadunath has always given to the people of 
Bengal the first fruits of research, though in a fragmentary way in the 
form of articles in Bengali monthlies, particularly the Prabasi. 

( 15 ) 

Jadunath has no peer in his own field in India and abroad. He is 
pre-eminently a product of the Western School of History though his 
subject is Indian. His charm of style and vigorous portraiture of men 
and things suggest a comparison with Macaulay according to some 

was placed before him in Marathi. He did not know the historical import of what he did. 
He and his son met Saletore and confessed to him that the published Persian passages 
were his own : no wonder therefore that there are horrid anachronisms. The ... people 
are furious against Saletore as they got Rs. 5,000 from the late Raja and published 
a large vol. as authentic history. I now realize how the Raja went about entrapping 
every worker in history. He came to my house here and several times in Bombay and 
at last at my request sent you the firmans. I cannot too highly admire your prescience in 
refusing to pass a judgment on the papers placed before you. I fortunately escaped under your 
shelter. Bal Krishna is made a dupe. Saletore is soon going to expose the whole transaction 
with incontrovertible proof. I see how your constant caution saves many a pitfall and why 
you are frequently warning scholars against wanton forgeries, too common with frail 
humanity.” (Ed.) 



admirers ; whereas others hold him to be the Gibbon of Hindustan for 
bridging the channel over the gulf between Medieval and Modern India. 
But he is neither a Macaulay nor a Gibbon. These two are inimitable 
in many respects. These three are masters of narration, each in his own 
way. As an essayist Macaulay wields a hatchet with the strength of a 
giant ; whereas Jadunath handles the chisel and needle of a thoughtful 
stonecutter working at the Taj. In historical narrative both of them 
show a rare power of concentration. In producing ‘effect/ Jadunath could 
not approach Macaulay, because the Indian lacks the impetuousity, 
vehemence, bias and boldness of Macaulay in taking a rhetorical jump 
without calculating the risk of overstatement. Jadunath never wrote for 
sheer effect, but always for measured accuracy. Nobody can complain 
that like Macaulay, Jadunath "describes but does not explain,” nor can 
it be said that the Indian as a historian is “neither a thinker nor a 
prophet.” If Jadunath is anything today he is the stern prophet of Free 
India in his writings and speeches. 

Old Beveridge hailed Jadunath as as "Bengali Gibbon.” But a 
review compliment, however sincere and just, cannot make a Gibbon of 
him in the estimate of the world at large. Jadunath’s vast learning, the 
excellence of his English, and his power of drawing a magnificent back- 
ground for his tragic canvass of the Fall of Mughal Empire impressed the 
greatest modern British authority on Muslim India deeply enough to elicit 
this high compliment for our Indian author. But there is not much in 
common between Jadunath and Gibbon as historians except in their skilful 
execution of a task of Cyclopean magnitude. If Jadunath like Gibbon had 
written his epics of history in his own language, if he could have the 
advantage of Gibbon in having the raw materials dug out by generations 
of scholars before him, if decaying Delhi had been smouldering Rome, and 
above all if the historical knowledge of the present generation about 
Indo-Muslim history had been on a par with that of Roman history of 
Gibbon’s contemporary Europe, then only could Jadunath have had the 
scope to rise to the stature of a Gibbon. Jadunath could not afford to be 
picturesque without being suspected and challenged at every step. He 
was under the necessity of letting chronicles and news-letters speak 
convincingly to the audience, and of always hedging himself round by a 
mighty array of authorities. This means interference with the even flow 
of narrative. 

( 16 ) 

G. O. Trevelyan in his brilliant essay on Bias in History remarks : 
“The problem of bias is fundamental and all pervading. No one can teach 



or write history for ten minutes without coming in contact with the 
question whether he is aware of it or not. Because history is not an exact 
science but an interpretation of human affairs, opinion and varieties of 
opinion intrude as inevitable factors. We cannot get rid of the element 
of opinion (or bias) ; we can, however, edeavour to make it the right kind 
of opinion, — broad, all-embracing, philosophic not a narrow kind that 
excludes half or more of reality”. (An Autobiography and other Essays, 
p. 68) 

This is a homely truth honestly confessed. So, bias there must be in 
Jadunath also whether he is aware of it or not. Now the question is 
whether his bias is of the right kind or not. That Jadunath’s bias is not 
of “a narrow kind that excludes half or more of reality” will be admitted 
by any sensible person, who cares to glance over any piece of his writing. 
This bias has not affected an objective study on approved scientific basis. 
It may be said that a certain amount of bias and warmth for Shivaji and 
Rathor Durgadas is perhaps noticeable in Jadunath. But this bias is in the 
right direction, and an echo of the sentiment of contemporary India for 
the defenders of their religion and honour against Aurangzeb’s aggressive 
bigotry and intolerance. Similarly, his bias has been all through for 
Aurangzeb till he chose to assume the role of a reactionary agent of Islam, 
ang his ill advised policy threatened the welfare of the State and every- 
thing that the majority of subjects held dear. Aurangzeb has received 
more than his due by being painted as the awe-inspiring hero of a tragedy 
preordained by “an inexorable Fate”. Between Mirza Rajah Sawai Jai 
Singh and Maharajah Jaswant, Jadunath’s bias is for the former for his 
unquestioned ability. But here perhaps his bias is less justifiable ; 
because Jaswant's failings deserve more sympathy. In his Fall of the 
Mughal Empire his bias turns against the Marathas, particularly the 
ruling Chitpavan Brahmans, whose view-point he could not understand, 
"hundred knots in one span” of a Brahman having borne down the patience 
of the historian. The Abdali and Najib-ud-daulah have received higher 
admiration and praise from the historian who admires tact, valour and 
efficiency wherever they are found. The historian does not share the 
grief of Maharashtra after the catastrophe of the third battle of Panipat, 
because the historian has nothing to choose between the Peshwa and the 
Abdali, the Abdali having a better justification to come to the rescue of 
the Delhi monarchy and the Ruhelas, whose very existence was threatened 
by Maratha aggression from the south. Panipat was a purely political and 
military issue, and not a stake for the emancipation of the Hindus, most 
of whom in Northern India feared worse rapacity and unblushing bad 



faith in the event of a Maratha victory. The Sikhs and the Jats also while 
fighting in the cause of the country receive the historian’s approbation. 

Jadunath’s historical characters owe their brilliancy and vivacity as 
well as their photographic realism to his skill in presenting them with 
charming make-up, an art which no master can teach his pupil, a gift 
endowed by nature. So we may say without exaggeration that Sir 
Jadunath possesses ‘'all the sterner virtues” of a historian, which dominate 
his “human virtues” not to the detriment of truth. He lives today, like 
Ranke in the nineteenth century, as the greatest historian of India beyond 
comparison. Unlike Ranke, Jadunath at the age of eighty-seven has a 
desolate home. But his face beams when he tells his grandchildren, “I have 
another and older family, my pupils and their pupils.” This large family 
is the only solace of his years of lonesome life. 




(Special Officer, Revenue Department, Government of Bihar) 

If a crude comparison is permissible Dr. Jadunath Sarkar may be 
compared to a cocoanut. That fruit has got a rough exterior and a thick 
crust with a sweet and nourishing kernel. A man who meets Dr. Jadunath 
Sarkar for the first time may come away with the impression that he is 
not at all sociable and that he has got certain freezing mannerisms. But if 
a man pursues to know him and is suffered by him to know him intimately 
he will find that there hardly exists a man with a softer mind and larger 

In the impressionable age of a young college student 34 years back 
the writer had the privilege of coming in contact with that great savant. 
At that time he was a Professor in Ravenshaw College in Cuttack. That 
contact was allowed by him to grow into a relationship which is one of 
the very valued privileges the writer has had in his life. 

The very first thing that attracted me to Dr. Jadunath was the 
disciplined manner in which he walked to the college with books in hand, 
the measured way in which he spoke in the class, the precise notes he 
dictated and the very disciplined manner in which he conducted himself 
both inside and outside the class. It was a pleasure to hear Dr. Jadunath’s 
regimented words from the chair in the debates or in lecture halls. 

In 1922 1 Dr. Jadunath Sarkar led a batch of students of History from 
Ravenshaw College on a tour of some of the historical places in Northern 
India. The writer was one of the students. The love and affection which 
Dr. Jadunath showered on the boys of the party, the meticulous care with 
which he organised the trip and insisted on a certain degree of comfort 
for the students, the way in which he guided the boys for imbibing a 
spirit of historicity and particularly the parental feelings he showed when 
one of the boys fell ill at Rajgir weave a picture which can never be 
blotted out of the memory of the writer. A copy of his book that 
Dr. Sarkar presented to the writer after the trip for ‘his devotion’ is still 
a valued treasure with him. 

I, Professor G. S. Das places this event in October 1923. See infra, 78. (Ed.) 



His love and care for his boys was deep. His house whether in 
Cuttack, Patna, Darjeeling or Calcutta was always open for them. His 
library was at their disposal provided they conducted themselves properly. 
The kitchen which Lady Sarkar ran did not make any distinction between 
her own children and the students or the research scholars that lived in 
the house. That lady from within the house was a mother to the scholars 
living in Dr. Sarkar ’s house. 

Sir Jadunath is one of the very few men who do not parade their 
kindness or their feelings for the students. By the time the writer 
graduated Sir Jadunath had been retransferred to Patna. While informing 
me of my success Sir Jadunath sent me a message that he thought Patna 
would be a better place for my prosecuting studies for M.A. degree. 
After a certain amount of hesitation the widow-mother of the writer 
consented and Sir Jadunath was informed about it. Sarkar sent a post 
card giving details of the amount of hackney carriage fare that had to be 
paid from the Patna railway station to his house at Bhikhnapahari in 
Patna, and asked the writer to come straight to his house. Sir Jadunath’s 
house in Patna at that time had a separate wing consisting of a few rooms 
used as his library by him and by his research scholars. Dr. K. R. 
Qanungo who was then writing his book on Sher Shah, Dr. K. K. Basu, 
Head of the Department of History in Bhagalpur college, S. C. Sen 
Gupta, a research scholar from Bengal used to be in that wing where a 
separate room was also allotted to the writer. Every night led by a 
Lecturer we used to go to the main house for dinner with the Professor. 
After a week the writer fixed up a seat in a hostel and while taking 
dinner mentioned casually about it to Jadunath that he would shift to 
the hostel the next day. The Professor looked up in surprise and spoke 
slowly, “I did not know that you were inconvenienced here. I did not 
ask you to come to Patna to prosecute your studies for M.A. while 
living in a hostel.” The dinner was completed in silence on the part of 
all of us. No one could speak as it was apparent that the Professor had 
got a rude shock. Next morning a message was sent through one 
of his children that the idea of going to the hostel had been given up. 
Then the writer continued an uninterrupted stay for a couple of years 
as an inmate of his house. How many Gurus of this type exist now in 
India ? 

While writing on Jadunath thoughts come tumbling one after 
another. He is a man of very strong likes and dislikes. Probably he 
carries his dislikes to an excessive degree as it appears to the average 
man. But at the bottom of that dislike lies a very strong aversion for 



untruth, dishonesty and scissor and paste type of research. Plagiarism 
he hates and he is the last man to mince matters. While on the one hand 
he hates snobbery and a show of research, on the other hand he goes out 
of his way to help genuine research scholars. He never spoon-fed his 
scholars and students. He never denied them guidance and monetary 
help if necessary. There are hundreds of them today who have been 
actually created by him, but one never hears him parading anyone 
of them. 

Many people probably do not know today that Sir Jadunath got his 
M. A. degree in English from the Calcutta Presidency College and 
started his career in the Department of English. The subject of History 
came a little later in his life, and has since then remained his passion and 
mainstay for existence. He would not take or rely on second hand 
things if it could possibly be avoided. That is why he learnt Persian 
and Urdu, Portuguese and French and chose as his collaborators men like 
SardesaL Jadunath's passion for truth and honesty probably did not help 
him as an administrator when he was appointed the Vice-Chancellor of the 
Calcutta University. The man whose one passion in life had been to 
fathom out the truth, establish the historicity of facts and to interpret 
them was found to be lacking in that undefined commodity known as tact. 
In his zeal to tone up his Alma Mater, the Calcutta University, he came 
in clash with what may be described as the vested interests. Sir 
Jadunath's career as a Vice-Chancellor will go down in history to show 
that a true scholar cannot always change himself into an administrator 
or that it is extremely difficult for a specialist to take up the role of a 

To recall Sir Jadunath the picture of a Greek patriarch flashes in my 
mind. Life has treated him in a very cruel manner so far as domestic 
happiness is concerned. He has lost some of his brilliant sons and one of 
them was assassinated in the communal troubles in 1946. His youngest 
daughter who was a brilliant Science scholar was claimed by death while 
doing research in England. God chose to make some of his daughters 
early widows. But these misfortunes which would have made an average 
man forlorn, frustrated and probably finished touched him lightly so far 
as the outer world is concerned. Here is a man who stands aloft like the 
peak of a mountain and the world outside cannot possibly know what 
these mishaps meant to him. These sorrows have diverted him probably 
all the more to his research work. At this advanced age he diligently 
works for hours in pursuit of research. His methodical habits remain a 
wonder to the younger generation. He has hardly any time to waste. 
He has very little time to indulge in useless correspondence either. But 



like a patriarch, we know, he has still a soft heart for all those who have 
drawn inspiration from him sometime or other. Sir Jadunath the man is 
a bigger source of inspiration than Sir Jadunath the historian. But very 
few have the opportunity to know him as such. 

[ 2 ] 

G. S. DAS, B. A. (Hons.), London 

(Head of the Department of History, Ravenshaw College, Cuttack, Utkal University) 

My first acquaintance with Sir Jadunath Sarkar is as old as my 
student career in Ravenshaw College, where he served as a Professor of 
History from 1919 to 1923 , but my admiration for him is older still. 
While reading in the Matriculation classes of Sambalpur Zila School in 
1919, I came upon an article by him in the Central Hindu College 
Magazine, which left a lasting impression on my young and impressionable 

In Ravenshaw College, I was throughout a student of History and 
studied for Hons, in History. I found in him a great scholar, a perfect 
gentleman, and an embodiment of plain living and high thinking ; and to 
all the alumni he appeared as an ideal. As a teacher he was most 
successful for he adopted his lectures to the level of all grades and 
classes. When he lectured to Intermediate students he interpreted the 
most intricate problems of history in very plain, lucid and interesting 
manner. With the rise in standard, the method changed. In B. A. 
(Hons.) and M. A. classes, his lectures displayed an unfathomable depth 
of his understanding and knowledge of almost all the past as well as of 
the latest publications on the subject. Every lecture was supplemented by 
exact references to a large number of books and journals, with the 
names of their authors and library numbers for the benefit of the 
advanced students. He spoke with equal ease and zeal on various 
aspects of history of various countries and different periods, European 
History, History of India, ancient, medieval and modern, British 
History, Constitutional History of England, History of Islam and World 

A high priest of Clio, Sir Jadunath was equally worshipful to other 
Muses. Once for a short term he was called upon to teach English 
Travels with a Donkey by R. L. Stevenson and the life of Sir Philip 
Sydney. It was a stopgap arrangement, necessitated by the absence of 
the Head of the Department of English, an Englishman, Cambridge 
Tripos, I.E.S., having gone on furlough. We feared that Jadunath would 
prove a failure in that field, but to our utter surprise he impressed us to 


a greater degree than his predecessor. In our excited enthusiasm we 
often exclaimed : — “Put all the English and Indian Professors on one side 
of the scale and place Jadunath alone on the other and the latter will 
balance them/'-— a statement which without any reflection on our 
esteemed professors, proves our youthful appreciation of the gigantic 
stature of Jadunath’ s personality and scholarship. 

In trying to depict Sir Jadunath, I am irresistibly tempted to use 
an Oriya similie — “His heart is like a ripe coconut ; the outer shell very 
hard, but the kernel inside so soft and delicious”. To his students, 
colleagues and visitors he appears to be a man bereft of the ordinary 
courtesy of an Indian, a man who hardly talks to anybody for the sake 
of talking, who can hardly spare more than three minutes for an interview 
whosoever the visitor might be. But he is a voracious reader, and like 
Ulysses, he was and he is endlessly on a passionate quest for ever-widening 
knowledge. In fact I have hardly come across an Indian who understands 
the value of time better. During leisure hours when other professors 
would be seen resting, Jadunath could be unmistakably seen in the 
library or in his study, reading and thinking. During these hours, he was 
so absorbed in his studies that the sudden entrance of anybody could not 
disturb his tranquillity, and one had to make some disturbing sound, in 
my case a loud artificial coughing to attract his attention. 

Once in 1923 there was a mysterious theft in the East Hostel of 
Ravenshaw College. One morning a boarder reported to our dear 
Superintendent, Prof. Artabollabh Mohanty that ten ten-rupee currency 
notes had been stolen from his box. He quoted the number of the notes 
and requested for a general search. I was deputed with other boarders to 
form a search party and after strenuous search we recovered the exact 
notes from the trunk of a boarder who denied any knowledge of them and 
pleaded his innocence. Every one was almost sure that the so-called 
thief would be rusticated. The Principal referred the case to Jadunath. 
He glanced at the accuser and the accused and opined that the case was 
a concocted one ; and this guess really came out to be true. 

Once Jadunath led a party of history students on an excursion to 
some places of historical and archaeological importance. The party con- 
sisted of 16 students and the late Prof. Nisikanta Sanyal. It was October 
1923 1 and we went from Cuttack to Rajgir via Calcutta. We started from 
a dharmsala at Rajgir in Bihar early in the morning with two coolies 
carrying two pitchers full of water. We were trekking in search of the 

1. 1922 according to Mr. P. C. Roy Choudhury. See supra, 74. (Ed.) 



abode of Gautama Buddha high up in the hills where Ajatasatru used to 
meet the Lord. It was a long and tedious journey, and our leader’s 
instruction was that water should be rationed not to quench our thirst but 
to moisten our parched throats. At long last we reached the summit of the 
hilltop tired and exhausted. With rapt attention we listened to our leader 
relating to us the incidents of the Lord’s sojourn at the spot in the days of 
yore. But before descending from the hilltop Jadunath said that he had 
discovered a shorter route which passed through a precipice. We decided 
to try this new path ignoring the perils of the descent. At one spot 
we found that the only means of getting down was to take "a leap into 
the dark” below. All of us were unaware that the spot on which one 
could jump from the precipice was an uneven piece of ground ; it was a 
terra incognita full of dense shrubs covering big boulders. The fifty- 
three year old Jadunath who was ahead of us was the first to jump down. 
He lost his balance owing to the uneven nature of the ground, and then 
rolled down shrieking that he was lost but ordering us to have a right 
about turn and to take the original long route through which we had 
ascended uphill. I was the second in line and ignoring his warning 
jumped down in a trice with a view to rescuing the leader. Fortunately 
I put my feet safely and ran down to stop the momentum of his rolling. 
I succeeded in overtaking him just at a spot where his rolling body was 
about to strike against a boulder. Although injured badly in several 
parts of his body, full of cuts and bruises, he stood the strain bravely and 
asked me to inform the party to take the original route. I again respect- 
fully ignored his orders, prepared two holes where I put my feet firmly 
and stood firm bending my back in a posture, so that it would serve as a 
springboard in the middle of the slope for climbers to get down. One by 
one, all of them got safely. It was characteristic of Jadunath that he 
thought of the students first and advised them to change their route when 
he was himself perilously rolling down. Later in the day, he showed 
his appreciation for my deed by giving me the title of “saviour of my life” 
and a present of some of his books and an excellent recommendation to the 
Principal of our College. Afterwards he helped me in winning a 
Government Scholarship for foreign studies. 

When a student would go to see Jadunath at his place, he would come 
out of the room with his pocket watch in his hand. He would say, “Yes, 
Yes,” and would look at his watch. After a minute or so when the 
student had said what he wanted to say Jadunath gave a short but 
proper reply. If the student still persisted in staying Jadunath would 
say, pointing to a bench lying in the lawn, “Do you see the bench ? Sit 


there and study.” Saying this he would immediately retire to his room 
and the student would quietly return. 

In May 1936 I had gone to Darjeeling in connection with my 
research work, and was staying with Sir Jadunath as a guest. One day at 
8-30 A. M. he gave me time to discuss the various problems of writing 
the history of Orissa. We were busy in discussion when Dr. S. C. Sarkar, 
Professor of History, Patna College, Patna, called on him along with 
his wife. Mrs Sarkar went straight to Lady Sarkar, while Dr. Sarkar 
was received in the same room where we were sitting. After 2\ minutes’ 
usual talk Sir Jadunath asked Dr. Sarkar to enjoy the sight and smell of 
flowers in his garden. This meant that the time of interview was over, 
but the Professor did not catch the hint, and kept on sitting. Half a 
minute later Sir Jadunath retired into another room. Dr. Sarkar waited 
for about twenty minutes for the return of Sir Jadunath, and eventually 
went out into the garden. Thereupon Sir Jadunath immediately returned 
to resume the discussion with me. 



(Saraswati Niketan, Indore) 

I took my Degree from the Muir Central College in the Allahabad 
University in 1899. About that time I read an article or perhaps a book 
by Professor (now Sir) Jadunath Sarkar. In this he had severely 
criticised the Maratha inefficiency in administration, strategy and policy 
as reflected in the disaster at Panipat in January 176L It provoked me so 
much that I wrote a spirited reply in defence of the Marathas and 
vigorously attacked Professor Sarkar. I went to the extent of calling him 
a Mohamedan historian, as he had relied on Mohamedan sources and had 
regarded unreliable such Maratha evidence as was then available to him. 
My article was published by Mr. (afterwards Dr.) Sachchidanand Sinha in 
his Kayastha Samachar, which was the predecessor paper of the Hindustan 
Review. Later on also I never reconciled myself to his support of 
Maharaj Kumar Dr. Raghubir Sinh’s A Century of Misrule in Malwa. 

It was some years afterwards that I came into personal contact with 
Professor Sir Jadunath Sarkar. It happened thus. There is an old family 
residing at Indore, which were once rulers in these parts — Malwa — and 
under the Mohamedans became farmers or zamindars of districts. 
Dissatisfied with the oppression exercised by the Governors appointed by 
the Emperors of Delhi, and seeing the spread of the Maratha rule south of 
the Narmada, the then head of the family Nandlal by name as reported by 



Sir John Malcolm in his Memoirs of Central India, invited and initiated 
Malhar Rao Holkar into Malwa. The descendants of Nandlal live at Indore 
in a walled mansion and possess, it is believed, records of old times. At 
the time. I am writing about, the head of the family was a person of 
conservative tendencies. He regarded those records in his possession as 
too sacrosanct and confidential to be shown to anybody. They were 
carefully kept. A gentleman of these parts who was interested in 
collecting materials for the history of the Marathas, somehow or other 
secured, or was alleged to have secured, copies of some correspondence of 
the Maratha leaders. These letters were published by the gentleman who 
had obtained copies of the original documents in the possession of the 
family of the descendants of Nandlal known as the Zamindars of Juna 

By the time, this happened. Professor Jadunath Sarkar’s field of 
research had widened and I suppose under the influence of the great historian 
of the Marathas, Rao Bahadur (now Dr.) G. S. Sardesai of Baroda, who 
having left the service of the Maharaja of Baroda, had settled at Kamshet 
near Poona and devoted his life to the writing of the Maratha History 
based on the latest facts available in manuscripts and authentic published 
literature, correcting and giving more details which until the vigorous 
campaign of V. K. Rajwade, were regarded as standard and true, had become 
interested in the history of the Marathas. He and Rao Bahadur G. S. 
Sardesai, my esteemed relation, came to Indore in order to inspect the 
records of the Zamindar’s family. They stayed as my honoured guests. 
Having known that the Zamindar was an orthodox person. Professor 
Jadunath Sarkar assumed the garb and appearance of an orthodox 
Brahman by putting on sandal-wood paint mixed with saffron on his fore- 
head and both of them dressed in turbans went with my hearty support 
to the Zamindar who had been my class-fellow in school Although the 
two historians tried for a few days to see the records, only a perfunctory 
approach to the records was allowed to them. I am afraid they did not 
succeed much in achieving their object, but I became better acquainted 
with Professor Sarkar than before. He has become more appreciative of 
the Maratha nation than in his earlier years. 

Some years afterwards Rao Bahadur G. S. Sardesai invited some 
historians, scholars and students to visit his hermitage on the banks of 
the Indrayani, which flows by Alandi, the place of the samadhi of the 
great Maharashtra saint Dhnyaneshwar. He chose the occasion of Dassera 
for the gathering. Sir Jadunath Sarkar naturally presided on the 
occasion, although it was an informal gathering, and many questions 



were answered by him and knotty poits solved. On the Dassera day, 
it was raining heavily, but we, headed by the two eminent 
historians braved the weather and according to the Maratha 
custom crossed the boundaries of the village of Kamshet. We thus came 
into closer contact with Dr. Sarkar than before and were impressed by 
his simplicity, sincerity, earnest desire to impart his knowledge to others 
and his deep learning. 

In 1950, when on a visit to Calcutta, I paid my respects to him at 
his house and was impressed with the simplicity I met there and the 
learned atmosphere I inhaled. 



(Director of Archaeology and Museums (Retd.), Travancore) 

It was his Mughal Administration that first attracted my notice 
during my undergraduate days nearly four decades ago. I was most 
impressed with his scholarly treatment of the subject and his remarkable 
grasp of historical material. To me since then Sir Jadunath has been a 
cynosure of historical scholarship, a pioneer in the field of historical 
research and a consummate master of historical technique. 

I had the good fortune of meeting him at Madras in 1928 when he 
came to deliver some University lectures on India through the Ages. 
I listened with rapt attention to his discourse which was marked by an 
unsurpassed energy of conception and philosophic divination. It was a 
pageant of Indian culture that he attempted to portray to his audience 
and what struck me most was his power of illuminating the dark abyss 
of Indian history. I came to know Sir Jadunath personally at the 
meetings of the Indian Historical Records Commission at Poona (1938), 
Calcutta (1939) and Baroda (1940) where he displayed the strength of 
his dynamic personality. In clearness of thought, prompt decision, quick 
despatch of business and study of human behaviour, Sir Jadunath showed 
himself as an undisputed master. He had strong views and convictions 
and wherever he was, he dominated with his characteristic resolve. 



(Lecturer, Mahendra College, Patiala) 

“Are you Professor Rao from Jind State ?”, asked a thin, old man, clad 
in simple shirt and dhoti with chappals on, leaning against an iron fence 
of a raised platform of No. 10, Lake Terrace, at Calcutta, on one fine 



morning of mid-December 1948 at about 10 O’ clock, as I opened the 
wooden wicket to enter the premises of that building. Since I had not 
seen Sir Jadunath Sarkar before, though some description of his appear- 
ance had already been given to me by my friend, Dr. Hari Ram Gupta. I 
failed to recognise him, and, having answered his query in the affirmative, 
I hesitatingly asked him, “Am I meeting Sir Jadunath Sarkar ?” “Come 
along,” came the quick reply in an affectionate tone. 

This meeting had been arranged on my request. I had come, to 
know that a number of valuable Persian manuscripts, relevant to my 
thesis, Cis-Sutlej Sikh States, 1800-1849 for the Ph. D. Degree, were 
available with Sir Jadunath, and so I wrote to him, at first, c|o the 
Postmaster, Calcutta, as his address was not known to me. Later, 
when Dr. Gupta had conveyed to me his address, I again wrote to him to 
seek his permission to consult the records at his residence. My letter, 
cl o the Postmaster, Calcutta, perhaps, never reached him, but I did get a 
brief, yet sweet reply to my second letter within a fortnight of its 
despatch. He had not only welcomed me to Calcutta but had also given 
me all possible details of the approaches to his residence, so that I might 
not find any difficulty in locating it. I, therefore, intimated to him the 
exact day and time of my visit and punctually reached his place. 

Sir Jadunath led me to his drawing room and bade me to sit on a 
sofa. Without engaging in any formality, he asked me to give him a list 
of the books and manuscripts I wanted to consult. With that list he 
went in and within a few minutes came out with a pile of books in his 
hands. He put them on a table and asked me to work on them. 

I kept on working on the literature supplied to me right upto 4 p.m., 
when the door opened and in came Sir Jadunath, this time with two cups 
of tea in his hands. He sat down in a chair, offered me one of the cups 
and silently sipped the other himself. While going back he, however, 
instructed me to leave behind a list of the material I needed the next day. 

It was, perhaps, on the third day that one of his grandsons came to 
me and politely pointed out to me the bath-room for use, if and when I 
needed it. 

Any other young man in my place would have regarded this attitude 
of the grand old man as curt and dry and would have felt rather 
disappointed. But as I had been sufficiently cautioned by friends against 
such a hasty conclusion, I carried on my work unperturbed. 

On, probably, the fifth or the sixth day a chance event brought me 
a little nearer to Sir Jadunath. General Madho Singh, at that time 



Principal of the Military Academy, Dehra Dun, came to see him. He 
received the General in his drawing room and before taking him inside 
he introduced me to him saying, “Meet the Jind Historian, Professor Rao, a 
very industrious young man/’ These words filled me with joy and pride. 

I had been told that Sir Jadunath is a great realist and recognises nothing 
but merit. His words clearly indicated that he was not at all indifferent 
towards me but was rather very keenly observing my attitude towards 
work. Perhaps, like the old Rishis Sir Jadunath also believes in carefully 
testing the seriousness of purpose in a student before admitting him to 
his fold. 

At the tea time when he came to me that afternoon, I felt a little 
bold to talk to him and with his permission I began to explain to him the 
outline of my thesis. He listened to me with attention for about forty- 
five minutes and in the end accorded full approval of it. Since that day he 
was quite communicative to me and every day suggested some new liter- 
ature, both published and unpublished relating to my thesis. He arranged 
my visit to the National Library and the office of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal to discover new data, if any. I often put my difficulties to him 
and he gladly suggested very apt solutions of them all. As a matter of fact, 
his guidance was opening new vistas before me. 

One day he handed over to me his manuscript of the IV Volume of 
the Fall of Mughal Empire (the book was not yet published) to take 
notes freely on the points relevant to my subject. The utility of the 
work to me was, undoubtedly, great, because on the one hand it contained 
the background of my subject, so far as the repercussions of the fall 
of the central authority and the feverish activities of some of its 
aspiring successors on the Cis-Sutlej area were concerned, and on the 
other it provided me with fresh information on a few points, as its account 
ran parallel to my period for a couple of years. But I must admit that 
this magnanimous act of Sir Jadunath very much astonished me, as I had 
just the opposite experience of a number of modern scholars- He takes 
genuine pleasure in leading young seekers after knowledge to their goal. It 
is for this reason that we find today the lamps, lighted by his own, burning 
in every nook and corner of our country. Thus in him I discovered a real 
scholar of modern times. 

Another notable point in the daily life of Sir Jadunath which struck 
me during my stay with him was his sense of punctuality. I found out by 
experience that he has his timings set for breakfast, bath, lunch, midday 
rest, tea, dinner and even for searching his letter box during the day, 
and I saw him sticking to them scrupulously. It is said that punctuality is 


the first step to success, which he has surely achieved in a very large 

I stayed with him for about three weeks. A day before my taking 
leave of him he asked me if I had visited Raghubir Library at Sitamau in 
Central India. On my replying in the negative, he gave me a handbook 
containing all the details of the records available in that library and asked 
me to find out if there was any material useful on my subject. To my 
great astonishment and joy I found a mention of a number of works which 
were sure to contain a lot of new information on many points relating to 
my thesis. I reported my reaction to him and he strongly advised me 
to enter immediately into correspondence with Maharaj Kumar Dr. 
Raghubir Sinh, the owner of the library, to seek his permission to consult 
the records and to pay a visit as soon as it was consented to. Of course, 
he had permitted me to write to Maharaj Kumar Sahib that I was approach- 
ing him at the instance of Sir Jadunath. It will not be out of place to 
mention here that my visit to the learned Prince of Sitamau and his library, 
which later on led to much closer association with him, proved an event 
of singular importance in my life. I found the Maharaj Kumar a true 
replica of Sir Jadunath. A noble student must imbibe the qualities of his 
worthy teacher. But for the initial lead given by Principal Sita Ram Kohli 
and the subsequent zealous interest and the unfailing guidance of 
Maharaj Kumar Sahib, I would have never entered the portals of the realm 
of research. 

I can never forget my last meeting with Sir Jadunath Sarkar on 
the eve of my departure. As I had earlier indicated to him my intention 
to bid farewell to him, he came into the drawing room an hour earlier 
than the tea time that eveing. After he had given me a piece of 
valuable advice to warn me of the usual pitfalls in the path of a young 
researcher and to suggest to me the coirect process of utilising the dis- 
covered data, I conveyed to him my sense of gratitude and indebtedness in 
as appropriate a manner as I could. The learned old seer seemed visibly 
moved, and, restraining his emotions a little, he spoke to me in a clear yet 
low tone, *T may not live to see that day but your devotion and industry 
are sure to earn for you the Degree you are trying for”. This parting 
blessing of Sir Jadunath touched the most sensitive chords of my heart and 
I, in a mood, surcharged with a deep sense of reverence, touched his feet. 
I was too overwhelmed to speak and, therefore, bowed to him with folded 
hands and left his room. 


[ 6 ] 

K. A. NILAKANTA SHASTRI, M.A., [ Padam Bhushan ] 

(Professor of Indology, University of Mysore) 

This is not an attempt to describe or estimate the great work done 
by Sir Jadunath Sarkar as historian ; that attempt will be made elsewhere 
in this volume by abler hands with more intimate knowledge in the field. 
I wish just to record some brief notes based on my personal relations with 
the great man whom we are all at one in honouring as the doyen of India’s 

I first met Sir Jadunath in February 1919 when I joined the History 
Department of the Banaras Hindu University as his assistant. Our 
association in that relation lasted only a few months, as Sir Jadunath felt 
the need to sever his connection with that University early in the ensuing 
academic year and go back to the service of the Bengal Government which 
had lent his services to the University. Sir Jadunath was obviously not 
the loser by the change. 

Our short association at Banaras, however, proved to be the begin- 
ning of an enduring friendship which to my great good fortune has lasted 
unimpaired to this day. I saw enough of the great man to profit by a 
study of his methods of work and by his advice which was freely and 
ungrudgingly given whenever I went to him with any difficult problem for 
discussion. He has always been very economical of his time and would 
never allow anyone to waste his. To a promising junior scholar he is ever 
encouraging and generously helpful, but once he suspects sham, he quietly 
turns his back and thinks no more about the person concerned. His 
magnificent library of books and manuscripts is available for use by any 
true scholar who is businesslike and efficient. 

Sir Jadunath was on the expert committee appointed by the 
University of Madras in 1929 for the selection of its Professor of Indian 
History and Archaeology, and thus he had a hand in my appointment to that 
post. He has since then taken a kindly interest in all my work as also 
to some extent in the work of Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Reader in 
Indian History in the University of Madras. I once had the privilege of 
entertaining him and other veteran historian. Dr. G. S. Sardesai together 
as my guests in Madras for some days. What pleasant and memorable 
days they were ! It is a very splendid thing for this volume to include 
extracts from the correspondence between the two greatest Indian 
historians of their generation extending over a period of nearly half a 

Sir Jadunath was chairman of the editorial board set up by the 



Bharatiya Itihas Parishad for the preparation of a New History of the 
Indian People in twenty volumes, and being a member of the board, I had 
another opportunity of working with Sir Jadunath and under his 
inspiring guidance. Quite characteristically, before accepting charge of 
the scheme, Sir Jadunath wrote to Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Rector of the 
Parishad, asking that the academic freedom of the editorial board should 
be fully guaranteed ; he had good reason to do so as his experience in 
Banaras had shown him that its existence could not always be assured. 
But in this instance there was no difficulty, and the necessary assurance 
was given and observed in ample measure. Two volumes in the series 
were completed, but before the publication of the second volume, the 
scheme was merged in another similar scheme that had been started by 
the Indian History Congress. Sir Jadunath was invited to preside over 
the new editorial board of the combined scheme, but he did not see his 
way to accept the invitation. 

Sir Jadunath’s well known simplicity which borders on austerity 
once drew from me in the early days of our acquaintance the rather pert 
remark that Aurangzeb was a good subject for study and research, but 
a bad model for life ; the great man frowned on me for a second, and 
then just smiled. He has suffered bereavements by war and communalism 
and has borne them with fortitude. 

We are all happy to honour him and present him a small token 
of the esteem we have for him and his work. May he be spared to 
continue his great and good work for many more years is our prayer ! 


A. L. SRIVASTAVA, M.A., Ph.D., D. Litt. 

(Professor, Agra College, Agra) 

“Are you a pupil of Professor Qanungo ?” With these words and 
a smiling face, Sir Jadunath ,Sarkar received me at his residence, 8 A, 
Badur Bagan Row, Calcutta, on 20th of March 1930. I was on my first 
research tour of Calcutta where I had gone after consulting the H. H. the 
Nawab’s Library at Rampur in Rohilkhand. Before starting from 
Udaipur, I had written to my Guru , Dr. K. R. Qanungo, who is the most 
affectionate of Sir Jadunath Sarkar’s numerous pupils, to introduce me to 
the master-architect in the domain of Indian History, and secure for me 
an access to his splendid library, rich in rare Persian manuscripts and 
costly printed books, maps and other material that a researcher might 
possibly require. My first attempt at finding him in had failed. Jadunath 
then a member of the Bengal Legislative Council, was busy in the 



Budget Session, he was hardly to be seen at his residence. I was informed 
by his servant that in spite of the rush of work, he would every day go 
out for a morning walk and I could easily see him at about 8 o’clock, when 
he returned from it. Next morning, I reached the place exactly at 8, 
and sent my card in. After my name, which was, of course, printed, I had 
added ‘a pupil of Professor Qanungo’. Sir Jadunath immediately came 
down from the upper storey to the main gate where I was standing and 
with the words quoted above took me to his small drawing room and 
inquired straightaway of the business that had brought me there. 

I had been told by most research workers, serious and non-serious, 
and by almost every Bengali friend of mine in U. P. and Rajputana that 
Sir Jadunath was very aristocratic in his bearing and conduct and that he 
did not help anybody, much less a man with whom he was not acquainted 
and who came from a province different from his. These friends had 
warned me against going to him for any kind of help or seeking an inter- 
view with him. But, I was now agreeably surprised to see that Sir 
Jadunath was exactly the opposite of what he had been represented or in 
fact misrepresented. I instinctively perceived that he was at once stern 
and kind, extremely plain and unassuming in dress and behaviour, but 
sparing of words and time, and yet genuinely helpful to the seekers after 

Without wasting words or time, I briefly related to him the object 
of my visit and expressed disappointment at not having been able to find 
any material for my work in any of the Calcutta libraries. He listened 
to me sympathetically and then remarked, “There is one institution 
where you may find one or two manuscripts for your use, and it is the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal. The Secretary is a friend of mine. I will give 
you a letter of introduction and you will have no difficulty in getting 
access to the manuscripts you require. But I am afraid you won’t find 
much there.” Saying this, he quitted his chair, went upstairs and brought 
his fountain pen and a piece of paper. He wrote to Mr. John Von Manen, 
the Secretary, in these words : “Prof. A. Srivastava from Udaipur is a 
research worker known to me. He wants to study some Persian manu- 
scripts in the library of the Society. Kindly allow him to consult them.” 
Having handed this letter to me, he told me where the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal was situated, which way I had to go, which tram to catch and 
where finally to get down to reach the Society’s building. He even told 
me of the exact tram fare that I would have to pay. I thanked him for 
all this, and took my leave. 

With this letter of introduction, I hastened to the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal, 1, Park Street, Calcutta. Mr. John Von Manen, the General 


Secretary had not then come, for I had reached the Society’s building 
before 32 o’clock. I handed over the letter to the Head Clerk, a tall, 
slim gentleman who must have been between thirty and forty. As I 
thought it desirable to inform him that the letter was from Sir Jadunath 
Sarkar, he instantly jumped to his feet and courteously inquired what I 
wanted. Upon being told of it, he took me to the reading room and 
placed before me a number of huge catalogues of Persian manuscripts, and 
asked me to give him a list of the works that I wanted to consult. I was 
busy with the catalogues when the General Secretary, a tall, bulky and 
majestic-looking man with a trimmed Persian beard, arrived and entered 
his office. Within a few minutes, he came to the place where I was sitting 
and greeting me with a smile asked, if I was the research scholar 
recommended by Sir Jadunath. I replied in the affirmative. He immedi- 
ately took me to the Persian Section of the Society, but it being Friday, 
Shah Muin-ud-din Ahmed, the Head of the Section was away for his 
congregational prayer in a mosque nearby. When he returned at about 
2 o’clock, he went to see the General Secretary who brought the Maulvi 
to me in the reading room. “Here is a gentleman recommended by my 
friend Sir Jadunath Sarkar. Give him twenty Persian works in the 
morning and twenty-five in the afternoon.” With these words he intro- 
duced me to the old Maulvi. Shah Muin-ud-din Ahmed being an equally 
humorous man. retorted, “Yes Sir, and fifty in the evening and a hundred 
in the night.” I could not help bursting out into laughter at the witty 
conversation of these two jovial old scholars. 

When I met Sir Jadunath next time at his residence, he seemed to 
be pleased with the progress of my studies and by way of encouragement 
and patronage said to me, “My library is in Darjeeling. I am leaving 
Calcutta in a day or two. When you have finished your work here, 
drop me a line.” I took it to mean that he was kind enough to allow* me 
to make use of his Persian manuscripts ; so I thanked him and returned to 
my lodging. 

My work in Calcutta was completed by April 5, 1930. On the same 
evening I boarded a train (Darjeeling Mail) for Darjeeling. I had started 
from home with cotton clothing and had taken one blanket and a warm 
waistcoat for an emergency as my destination was Calcutta. In fact I 
had never imagined that Sir Jadunath’s library was in Darjeeling. Nor 
did I have enough money with me to purchase woollen clothes, and there- 
fore I contented myself by purchasing one more blanket which could be 
had after a great deal of search, for it was summer and the dealers had 
packed up and placed their woollen goods carefully in their stores. After 
Siliguri, I began to feel cold and so I had to put on my warm waistcoat. 



As the train neared Kurseong, I had to cover myself with my blanket 
and chill increased as the distance between Kurseong and Darjeeling 
became shorter. About half past twelve, I entered the beautiful summer 
capital of Bengal and after getting down from the train, engaged a coolie 
girl to carry my luggage to Sir Jadunath’s bungalow. As I was a complete 
stranger to that place, I thought I must first go to Sir Jadunath’s and 
enquire about a fairly decent and cheap hotel where I should put up. I 
gave Sir Jadunath’s name to the coolie who could surely catch it, as my 
host was one of the few renowned residents of the town, but could 
understand nothing more of me; nor could I understand her. However, I 
followed her and I was greatly amazed when she avoided the road and took 
a short cut to the neighbouring hill, climbing it with my trunk and 
bedding with perfect ease and agility. I was almost sinking within myself 
at the thought of the kind of reception that might be accorded to me in 
view of my strangely inappropriate dress and of what Sir Jadunath and his 
family would think of me. The thought that oppressed me most was lest 
Sir Jadunath should think that I had come to put up with him under the 
pretence of asking information about a suitable place for board and 
lodging. I was clad in plain cotton clothes and a felt cap with 
a blanket for my wrapper and I could not presume to ask for the 
great historian’s hospitality. But great men are truly generous and 
Sir Jadunath had already sent to the railway station one of his servants 
with a chit on which he had written with his own hand, “Professor 
Ashirbadi Lai, M.A. Come with the bearer to my house where I have 
arranged to put you up. Jadunath Sarkar.” 

Unfortunately this man could not recognise me, and as for myself, I 
had not even dreamt that I was worthy of being taken in as a guest by the 
Gibbon of India, who was reputed to be very strict. As my coolie and 
myself approached the top of the hillock on which stood a grand bungalow, 
I beheld Sir Jadunath standing at the entrance and looking towards me 
with a smile and the ladies of the house at the balcony watching me, a 
strange figure in strange dress, attempting to climb the hill. I cannot 
describe the thoughts that rapidly flashed across my brain and tormented 
me. By this time, I was near the bungalow and Sir Jadunath beckoned me 
to come, and when I had reached and saluted him, he asked whether his 
servant had not met me to which I replied in the negative. As we were 
talking the servant came back by a different route and handed the chit 
to me. 

Sir Jadunath’s kindness to me was apparent and I thanked God for the 
reception. My host took me into a small room and said, “This room is 



meant for you, here is the bed, and here are the table and chair. You 
should spread your bedding and arrange your things.” Then he took me 
to the kitchen and the bath-room and asked whether I would like to take a 
bath. As I was tired after a long journey and it was vary cold in Darjeel- 
ing, I preferred to have a wash. “The train has arrived very late to-day,” 
remarked Sir Jadunath, “and I took my meal without waiting for you. I 
am now going upstairs. You should have your lunch and then I will show 
you my library.” After the meal which I relished so much, I took a few 
minutes* rest. Then Sir Jadunath came to my room and took me to his 
library and asked me to make a list of the manuscripts that I wanted. 
About one hour’s search was enough for me to make a list of the Persian 
manuscripts for my use and I placed it before Sir Jadunath who was 
studying in a room near by. He handed over two of the manuscripts to 
me. I came down with them and began to study. 

I was Sir Jadunath’s guest at Darjeeling for nine days (6th April to 
14th) during which period I made a close and thorough study of nine rare 
and contemporary Persian manuscripts dealing with the early years of the 
18th century, taking down notes from all relevant chapters, generally in 
English and most valuable passages in Persian. 

Sir Jadunath would come to my room every morning and ask if I was 
feeling cold, and I invariably replied in the negative. I had lost my pillow 
during the course of my journey from Calcutta and my kind host was so 
solicitous about my comfort that he provided me with one as soon as he 
saw that I had none. He would sometimes watch me at work and as I 
came to know later on, he was impressed by the method of my study and 
my devotion to it. I would get up at 4 o’clock and after my bath, prayer 
and exercise, would sit down to study at 5. At about half past eight, Lady 
Sarkar would send me breakfast, which consisted of tea, toast, sweets and 
some other preparations. Sometimes sister'Rama, Sir Jadunath’s youngest 
daughter, then aged about twelve and preparing perhaps for her VIII or IX 
class examination, would take the trouble of bringing the breakfast tray. 
About half past twelve Sir Jadunath and myself had our lunch together at 
the same table, where we would talk about various things, specially 
on literary topics and sometimes on politics too. Those were the days, 
when Mahatma Gandhi had begun his salt campaign and there was great 
stir all over the country. Sir Jadunath was naturally greatly interested, 
of course as a patriotic sympathiser like most of us engaged in literary 
pursuits, in the movements. At half past four or five, I had tea in my 
study room and then at half past eight in the night dinner again with 
Sir Jadunath. 


Sir Jadunath’s life and works have always been inspiring to me. At 
that time he was in his 60 th year, and yet he worked like a youth of 
twenty-five, busy with his researches from early in the morning to mid- 
night with only two or three hours off for meals and walks which he took 
with a religious regularity. He spoke very little and would not waste a 
minute of his time. I often noticed that after midday meal, he would 
pace round his bungalow, as if in meditation, thinking and planning, I 
presume, a series of volumes on the Fall of the Mughal Empire which he 
was then about to begin. His regularity, punctuality, hard labour and 
devotion to scholarly pursuits at the age of sixty, produced a profound effect 
upon me and consciously or unconsciously, he became a living ideal 
for me. 

On the 14 th April, I finished my study in Sir Jadunath’s library and 
informed him that I would leave for Patna the same day to make use of 
certain Mss. in the famous Khuda Bakhsh Library at Bankipore. It was 
past nine in the morning and I had already had my breakfast. I was asked 
to take my meal too which was quickly prepared at Sir Jadunath’s orders. 
He wrote a letter of introduction to his younger brother. Dr. A. Sarkar, 
who was a professor in the Medical College, Patna, and handing it over to 
me said that I should put up with him. Then he gave me a big bundle of 
Darjeeling tea intended for his old Persian tutor, a Muhammadan gentle- 
man from Gaya district who had taught him that language. This again I 
was to deliver to Dr. A. Sarkar. As I was about to start. Sir Jadunath 
handing to me a blank post-card, advised me to write my safe arrival at the 
capital of Bihar without delay. I said that I would purchase one as soon 
as I got down at Patna, and write immediately ; but he would not listen to 
me. Lady Sarkar sent me a small bundle of fruits, toast and some other 
preparations, carefully tied in a piece of neat cloth for my breakfast next 
morning, and I had to accept these thankfully. She had been very kind to 
me all through my stay there and insisted for a number of days that I should 
bathe in warm water. But I was a very healthy and stout young man at 
that time and I preferred to take a cold bath in the chilly mornings of 
Darjeeling. At the time of taking leave, I bowed humbly and thanked 
Sir Jadunath for his generous hospitality and for placing his valuable 
library at the disposal of one who had till then no claim to be regarded as 
a scholar. Sir Jadunath smiled and said, “Many Bengali research scholars 
came to work under me. Some of them turned out to be mere spies, 
while others wanted that I should work for them. I like workers of your 
type and that of Kalka (Professor Qanungo), and I am glad to encourage 
them.” I again saluted him and with his servant, who took my luggage on 
his back, reached Darjeeling railway station in time. Sir Jadunath had 



already arranged to purchase for me a railway coupon on presentation of 
which one could get a ticket from Darjeeling to Siliguri at almost half the 
rate, and he had explained to me the route which the train would take and 
of the places where I would be required to change for Patna. With a 
composed mind, therefore, I took my seat in the train which steamed off 
towards Siliguri at 10-30 A.M. on the 14th April 1930. 

Jadunath’s Contributions 

to the 

Indian Historical Records Commission 


M. L. AHLUWALIA, M. A. (Hons.) 

(National Archives of India, New Delhi) 

The records of a nation’s past are a proud heritage of its people, and 
one of the most important achievements of the modern age has been the 
efforts made for their preservation on scientific lines. It was to fulfil 
this object that like other progressive governments, the Government of 
India had also set up in 1919 a body of archivists and historians called 
the Indian Historical Records Commission. To begin with the Commission 
consisted of only eight members, four of whom were ex-officio, viz., 
the Secretary to the Government of India, Education Department, as its 
President, Keeper of Records of the Government of India, as its Secretary, 
and the Curator, Madras Record Office and the Keeper of Records of the 
Bengal Government as its members. The remaining four members were 
selected from amongst the then renowned historians — Professor Jadunath 
Sarkar, Archdeacon W. K. Firminger, Professor L. F. Rushbrook Williams 
and Mr. B. K. Thakore. 

Professor Sarkar was not only one of the founder-members of the 
Commission, but out of all the above-mentioned eight members, he 
remained associated with the Commission for the longest period, from 
1919 to 1941, and during this period he made many-sided contributions to 
the Commission. 

At the very first session of the Commission held at Simla in 1919, 
the Commission had deputed him to examine the two manuscripts 
prepared by Lt. Col. Tod, one on the Origin, Progress and Present State 
of the Pindar is and the other on the Outline Plan for Reducing the 
Pindaris, which were located in the Central Provinces Record Office. 
On examining these manuscripts Professor Sarkar found that they were not 
of much historical value. He had therefore recommended that these 
manuscripts should be printed in a volume of the Commission's Pro~ 
ceedings. They were accordingly printed in Volume XIV of the 
Proceedings of the Commission. Again, when the Commission had met for 
its third session at Bombay in 1921, Professor Sarkar took the opportunity 



to' draw the attention of this august body to the great need of surveying 
and using the valuable Portuguese records at Goa. He therefore re- 
commended to the Commission that a competent research institution like 
the Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala, Poona, be requested to 
examine the Portuguese records in Goa with a view to (i) to sort out and 
copy the valuable Marathi records, (ii) to prepare an index to the 
Persian records, (tii) to calendar the important Portuguese records. The 
proposal of Professor Sarkar was highly appreciated by the Commission who 
recommended to the Government that the Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka 
Mandala, Poona, be given a grant of rupees six hundred to enable this 
institution to undertake the examination of the Marathi records in Goa 
and to prepare a historical note on the extent and value of the Persian 
records lying there. 

Among the non-official members of the Commission, Professor Sarkar 
was the senior most member and as such he was called upon to preside 
over its annual sessions whenever the ex-Officio President of the 
Commission was not in a position to be present. A study of the 
presidential addresses delivered at the annual sessions of the Commission 
would reveal the valuable part played by him in directing the energies 
of the Commission into useful channels. 

Himself a devoted researcher and profound scholar, Professor Sarkar 
has a great regard for all those who have done the field work in respect of 
the modern Indian history. For example while delivering his presidential 
address at the ninth session of the Commission held in 1926, he paid a 
glowing tribute to the monumental work done by Sir Evans Cotton in 
these words, “The result of his researches adorn the pages of Bengal 
Past and Present and other periodicals of equally high standing.” 

The credit of drawing the attention of the Commission to the need 
of salvaging records and historical manuscripts lying in private custody 
also belongs to Professor Sarkar. He particularly emphasized this point 
in his presidential address delivered at the eleventh session of the Com- 
mission held at Nagpur in 1928. While elucidating his point, Professor 
Sarkar revealed that private correspondence of the British administrators 
in India was the most useful source material for writing the history of 
India under the British. He referred in this connection to the private 
letters exchanged between Lord Dalhousie and Sir Frederick Currie 
regarding the annexation of the Panjab, which he said were lying with 
Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis. Similarly he said that large number of 
papers regarding the French and Portuguese rule were available in 
Pondicherry and Goa. Accordingly, the Commission decided to extend 
its activities beyond the bounds of the official records of the Government 



and to salvage and preserve the hitherto unthought of private records in 
our country. It was to achieve this object that, at a later stage, the 
Commission recommended the setting up of Regional Records Survey 
Committees These Committees are now functioning in most of the 
States in India and through their efforts large number of valuable records 
and historical manuscripts have been found out. As a further step 
towards the proper utilization of the hitherto less known source materials 
of history, the Commission at its twelfth session held at Gwalior in 1929, 
again recommended at the instance of Professor Sarkar that historical 
documents of Peshwas 1 Daftar at Poona be thrown open to bonafide 
research scholars and that out of these records selected documents of 
great historical importance be published. As a result of this recommen- 
dation the Government of Bombay provided during 1930-1933 a sum of 
rupees ten thousand per year for the publication of the Poona Residency 
Correspondence series of the Peshwas’ Daftar of which Professor Sarkar and 
Rao Bahadur G. S. Sardesai w T ere the honorary editors. Both these 
scholars worked for the publication of these series with the zeal of 
crusaders so much so that in 1934 when the Bombay Government could 
not continue to give financial aid for this work, these scholars did not 
lose heart and collected another sum of rupees ten thousand by way of 
private contribution, and completed the printing of the Poona Residency 
Series with this amount. The result of the efforts of these two veteran 
scholars was that for the first time most invaluable historical data was 
brought to the notice of historians and by way of gratitude to them the 
Commission at its fourteenth session held in 1937 passed the following 
resolution : 

"The Commission begs to thank the Government of Bombay and their editor, Rao 
Bahadur G. S. Sarde-ai for publishing the Marathi historical papers of the Peshwas* Daftar 
in 45 volumes and commencing the Poona Residency Correspondence Series, and place on 
record their whole-hearted appreciation of the very able manner in which the honorary editors 
of the latter Series, Sir Jadunath Sarkar and Rao Bahadur G. S. Sardesai are accomplishing 
the arduous work that they had undertaken at such sacrifice.'" 

To quote yet another instance of Professor Sarkar’s interest in 
history, we may again turn to the Proceedings of the fourteenth session 
of the Commission of which he w r as himself the President. In this 
meeting. Professor Sarkar placed on the table of the Commission a volume 
of historical papers relating to Mabadji Sindhia of Gwalior and told the 
members how by a “a piece of detective work” he had brought to light 
the above documents which had been privately printed by Rao Bahadur 
D. B. Parasnis for the late Maharaja Sindhia. He further informed the 
members that these papers were stored by Nana Fadnis the real head 
of the Poona Government in his house at Manavali, south of Poona and 
and were recovered a hundred years after his death. 


Next to the survey of records in private custody. Professor Sarkar drew 
the attention of the Commission to yet another great source of historical 
material, viz., the then princely states. As we know some of these states 
have had a very glorious past and their ruling houses possessed records 
going back to the days of the early Mughals and even beyond. Professor 
Sarkar had brought this fact to the notice of the scholars in his presidential 
address delivered in 1930 and suggested that the Indian States should be 
advised to set up organised Record Offices, in which their records should 
be properly preserved and made available for the use of the research 
scholars. This proposal could not, however, be pressed by the Commiss- 
ion, as due to certain administrative reasons the Commission could not 
meet during the next six years. But as the matter was of great import- 
ance, Professor Sarkar laid emphasis on this question again in his 
presidential address in 1937, when the Commission met. The result of 
these efforts was that henceforward some of the progressive princely states 
began to take keen interest in the preservation of their records and even 
permitted their use by the research scholars. 

By this time the Commission had existed for over 18 years, but in 
spite of this, rules relating to access to Government records were very 
strict. Professor Sarkar brought this fact to the notice of the Commission in 
1937 and, at his instance, the Commission recommended to the Government 
of India to liberalise their research rules so as to encourage historical 
research in the country. In his presidential address delivered before 
the Commission in 1939, Professor Sarkar again emphasized the need for a 
liberal policy in respect of the access of bona fide research scholars to 
the official records with the result that in 1940 the Government of India 
modified their research rules and permitted scholars to consult all non- 
current and non-confidential records up to 1880. This policy was also 
followed in due course by most of the Provincial and State Governments. 
Thus for the first time scholars were permitted to see the records of the 
Government even up to 1880. 

Professor Jadunath Sarkar presided over the Commission for 
the last time at its seventeenth session held at Baroda in December 
1940. The address delivered by him on this occasion has a special 
significance not because it was the last address delivered by him before 
the Commission, but because it revealed his sincere devotion to this body, 
which he had nourished to maturity for so many long years. It will, 
therefore, be worth while to repeat the concluding words of his last 
address to the Commission, where he says : — 

"The Indian Historical Record > Commission has now completed 21 years of its existence and 
expanded and developed on new lines in the course of its evolution. Its members have become 


practised in the art of hunting for, and utilising the records with success. They have made 
solid contributions to the history of India on the same basis of newly discovered records and 
by the still more difficult art of interpreting known documents, in the light of fuller knowledge 
and a new outlook. Above all the holding of our annual sessions in different provinces and 
states has brought together scholars and archivists from all parts of our vast country and 
made them, I may claim, a band of brothers, united in search of truth about India's past life 
and ready to help each other by the exchange of their individual knowledge and local 
experience, pooling their resources together at the shrine of the Hi storic Muse. The knowledge 
of the dark alleys of Indian record-hunting and of the differences of local conditions which 
this Commission has acquired by this time, is of supreme importance and will prove most 
helpful in any plan for the future reorganisation of the Indian Historical Records Commission 
that may be contemplated.* * 

It is, however, unfortunate that when the Commission was reconstituted in 
1941, it could not continue to have the benefit of Dr. Sarkar s association 
with it. 

Another and yet equally valuable contribution made by Dr. Sarkar 
is his research papers, which he continued to place before the Commission 
for many years. It was at its very first session held in 1919 that the 
Commission decided to invite research papers to be read at its annual 
sessions. As a result of this decision Dr. Sarkar had contributed as many 
as thirteen papers during the time when he was its member. Thus in 
1920, when paper-reading was first taken up, Dr. Sarkar read his thought- 
provoking paper entitled The Missing Link in the History of Mughal India 
from 1658 to 1761 . The purpose of this paper was to draw the attention 
of the Commission to the hitherto scanty material available on the above 
period of the history of the Mughals and to suggest ways and means to 
augment this deficiency amongst our source materials. His next paper 
read before the Commission was Delhi during the Anarchy, 1749-1788, as 
told in the Contemporary Records . This paper deals with the political 
history of the Mughal rule after the death of Emperor Muhammad Shah. 
The main purpose of this paper seems to have been to bring to light the 
useful information contained about this period in some of the important 
contemporary manuscripts such as Khair-ud-din’s lbratnamah and The 
Delhi Chronicle during the Anarchy . His third important paper was 
AurangziVs Siege of Satara, wherein Professor Sarkar tried to make a 
critical study of the sources dealing with this issue, such as Chronicles of 
Khafi Khan and Bhimsen Burhanpuri and Nimcha-i-Alamgiri by Khan 
Bahadur Humi-ud-din. Another interesting paper read by Professor Sarkar 
was The Affairs of the English Factory at Surat , 1694-1700. In this 
paper Professor Sarkar throws vivid light on the causes of the failure of 
the British at Surat and the part played by the Dutch in worsening the 
position of the British at the Mughal Court. At the sixth session of the 
Commission held in 1924, Professor Sarkar read his paper on The Bhaies 



of Shivaji in Madras-Karnataka, in which he pointed out that although 
Shivaji’s invasion of Madras-Karnatak in 1677 and the creation of the 
kingdom of Jinji was one of his most important achievements, the 
information given about this event in the Marathi sources like Sabhasad 
Bakhar, the English Factory Records of Madras and in Bertrand's Mission 
du Madure was scanty. He further revealed that for this part of Shivaji’s 
career detailed information was available in the Memoirs of Francois 
lAartin , a copy of which was preserved in the Archives Nationale, Paris. 
Similarly in his paper contributed to the seventh session of the 
Commission held in 1925, Professor Sarkar placed before the research 
scholars his critical evaluation of the source materials on Mughal history 
in the 18th and 19th centuries. In this context Professor Sarkar gave a 
masterly analysis of such materials as the Court Akhbarat , Jaipur 
Darbar Archives, the Marathi and Persian records in the Darbar Archives 
of Holkar, the Persian news-letters sent by the British agents and 
newswriters to their own governments from various parts of the country 
and of the materials available in the Alienation Office, Poona. A similar 
paper relating to “The Maratha Family Records in the 17th century” was 
contributed by Professor Sarkar at the ninth session of the Commission 
held in December 1926. Mention may be made in this connection 
of his paper entitled English Residents with Mahadji Sindhia, which 
gives a very interesting account of British diplomacy at the court of 
Sindhia and his paper on the House of Jaipur read at the twelfth 
session of the Commission, in which he gives a critical account of all 
the then known source materials dealing with the history of the Jaipur 
royal family. 

In a short account like this, it may not be possible to discuss all the 
papers contributed to the Commission by Professor Sarkar, but there 
can be no doubt tliat in every paper which he contributed he enriched 
the Commission by his vast knowledge of the large number of source 
materials on the history of modern India in general and that of the 
Mughals and the Marathas in particular. 

One more extremely valuable contribution made by Professor 
Jadunath to the proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission 
was the examination of the numerous research papers submitted by 
scholars to be read at its sessions. These papers were almost invariably 
sent to him for his comments. He thoroughly scrutinized them and 
made critical remarks about the value of the matter contained therein. 
These comments gave the papers their proper place. The suggestions 
given by him for their improvement in the light of further contemporary 



material pointed out by him greatly encouraged young scholars, and made 
the sessions of the Commission a place of literary pilgrimage for them. 

It will not, therefore, be out of place if we conclude by saying that 
Sir Jadunath Sarkar’s contributions to the cause of the Indian Historical 
Records Commission are as conspicuous as the efforts made by him at an 
object study of the history of our country and it could not be otherwise, 
because the ultimate purpose of the Commission is to help the cause of 
Indian history by its endeavours to preserve our records . 1 

X. There appeared to be a few doubtful points in this paper regarding certain names 
and reference to this effect was made to the writeT, but no reply was received. The Editor 
had no volumes of the Proceedings of the Commission to check up. (Ed.) 

Jadunath Sarkar as A Seer 1 



(Lecturer, Sanatan Dharam College, Hoshiarpur) 

Sir Jadunath Sarkar’s is a life of Tapsya and Sadhana (austerity 
and accomplishment). The old adage “Simple living and high thinking , 
has found its manifestation in him to a degree of perfection. No 
difficulties, however insurmountable, could frighten him, no misfortunes 
could depress him and no temptations could lead him astray. A selfless 
and untiring worker, with no craze for fame and popularity, he has 
rendered unique service to the advancement of research in history. He 
has a craving for knowledge and laments the indifference on the part 
of the students in general towards learning. He is particularly sore to 
observe at times that students generally are not genuine seekers after 
historical knowledge, but their sole aim is to get a degree. He is by 
nature humane, but at the same time considerate. To him duty is above 
everything and work a source of intoxication. These together make him 
forget everything else, even the sadness of bereavement — to use his own 
words. Without work he would feel depressed in mind. His ardent 
love for work and knowledge has made him a distinguished scholar. His 
writings are concise, illuminating, eloquent and enlivened with 
illustrations. They bear unquestionable testimony to his encyclopaedic 
knowledge, power of deep thinking and intensive and extensive comparative 
study. His investigations are original and he is a fearless and 
unbiased critic. He is endowed with an excellent memory, a rare gift 
of nature and a. most valuable asset for a historian. Sir Jadunath 
Sarkar is great as a man, greater as a writer and the greatest amongst 
the Indian historians. More appropriately he may be called a “true” 
historian in every sense of the word. The lessons of history are not 
wasted upon him. He possesses the natural instinct of suggesting proper 
solutions of India’s present day political, social and economic problems in 
the light of the past history of this country. His prophetic forecasts 
are a testimony to his effulgent genius, foresight and statesmanship and 

1, This article was assigned to me at a time when the first section of this volume had 
almost been printed and I was asked to prepare this paper in a couple of days. Hoshiarpur 
being a small town there is no facility for access to big libraries, which one can have at cities 
like Delhi and Calcutta. In the circumstances only a few of his articles, etc. that could be 
obtained at this place have been made use of, 


an outcome of the thorough insight of the under-currents and movements 
of history. 

Independence and Military Power 

In his book India Through the Ages in the chapter “The English 
and their Gifts to India” he wrote : — 

“Coupled with uniformity and administrative system, which is a gift of the British age, they 
(modern agencies of communication, transport, etc ) have also been tending to fuse various 
races and creeds of India into one homogeneous people and to bring about social equality and 
community of life and thought, which are necessary basis of nationality. The process has just 
begun, though its completion is yet far off.” 1 * 

Thus wc see that even in 1928 Sir J. N. Sarkar had a clear vision of 
independence of India coming at a later stage than that envisaged in the 
resolution of Puran Swaraj passed by the Congress at its Lahore session in 
1929. He could visualize that until and unless the process that had set in 
reached finality the idea of independence would remain an unrealized 
dream. He also wrote in clear words that the Indians could not get their 
liberty but they were " on t ' le wa >' t0 attain that equality, which it the indispensable 
preliminary to political liberty.”* 

We cannot but appreciate the foresight of Sir Jadunath, when we 
cast a glance over the march of events in independent India after 1947, in 
the light of his following statement, which was also made in 1928 : — 

“A people with watertight class distinctions even when freed from foreign domination 
cannot enjoy political liberty; it will be subject to the autocracy of a clique or a family.” 3 

In the same book at another place he says : — 

“No nation can exist in present day world by merely cultivating its brain, without developing 
its economic resources and military power to the high pitch attained by its possible enemies.” 4 

Obviously the note of warning, sounded by the great historian nearly 28 
years ago. holds good even today with equal force and accuracy and it must 
receive immediate attention of our countrymen in view of Pakistan's 
rapidly mounting military strength 

Socialistic Pattern of the State 

In his article How the British lost India (published in the Modern 
Review for October, 1951) he mentioned about the evolution of the middle 
class and consequential social equality in this country. Its natural out- 
come, he said, would be the need for a “socialistic activity" on the part of 
the government. Thus he forestalled by three years the Congress 
resolution of “Socialistic Pattern of the State” passed at Avadi in 1954. 

The Communal Strife of 1947 

When the first Round Table Conference failed to have the desired 

1. India Through the Ages, 95. 

5. Ibid, 134. 

2. Ibid, 133. 
4. Ibid, 138-9, 



effect the Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed in March 1931. As a result 
thereof the second Round Table Conference was held in London, which 
was attended by Mahatma Gandhi as the sole representative of the 
Congress. In spite of the fact that Mahatma Gandhi gave a Carte 
blanche to Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the knotty problem of communalism 
was not solved. The uncompromising attitude of Mr. Jinnah and the 
part played by Sir Samuel Hoare made any settlement of this question 
impossible. Mahatma Gandhi left England in utter despair and with great 
resentment. When he reached India he was arrested. It was at this time 
that Sir Jadunath Sarkar wrote a letter on 14 August 1931 to Padam 
Bhushan Dr. G. S. Sardesai, saying : — 

*'I see no prospect of civil commotion abating in future ; on the contrary public opinion 
in England and among Europeans in India has been roused to such bitterness that the Swarajists 
will soon have to test their strength against the British plus the Muslims. The Hindus are so 
divided and so foolishly selfish that their majority does not count in actual politics. The 
atmosphere can clear only after a thunderstorm— after showers of blood.” 

He could foresee the showers of blood, 1 which took place in 1947, just 
sixteen years afterwards. It is a proof of his clear conception of coming 
events which could not be seen by the greatest political leaders of India 
even a few days before-hand. Jadunath was convinced that a civil war 
was the only solution of this frightful communal tangle. In another letter 
to G. S. Sardesai dated 30 September 1946 he re-iterated this conviction 
of his, when he wrote : — 

"The administration is hopelessly inefficient and dishonest and as no improvement can be 
expected in the course of things, the future of the Hindus here (Calcutta or Bengal) is 
unspeakably dark.” 

1. The partition of India is a unique event in the history of the world in the 
sense that it uprooted more than ten million people, who had to leave their hearths and homes, 
where they had lived for centuries. They were declared aliens in their own homes. Most of 
the people, who were fblling in luxury, were rendered helpless destitutes. Numerous women 
were made widows and the children orphans. For most of the people it was a bolt 
from the blue as they were taken unawares by the attacking mobs. Countless women 
jumped into wells, canals and rivers in order to save their honour. Many families were 
roasted alive as they were not allowed to come out from their houses which were set ablaze by 
the hostile crowds. Many places of worship both of the Hindus and the Sikhs were burnt along 
with their inmates. Their details are too horrible to be described. The railway train 
massacres committed at various places like Gujranwala, Gujrat, Jassar and Amritsar, put to 
shame the civilized world. Women in the prime of beauty and youth were publically raped 
and abducted. 

The tribal invasion of Kashmir brought another train of misery and sufferings. One can 
find numerous instances, where so many persons were slain, because they refused to be converted 
to Islam. All sorts of barbarities were committed on the Hindus and Sikhs when Kashmir was 
attacked by various tribes backed by Pakistan forces. 


Future of Private Educational Institutions 


While discussing the problem of education in India in his article 
Whither Young India (published in the Hindusthan Standard of 25 
November 1961) Sir Jadunath exhorts the government of the country to 
help the private institutions hitherto maintained by the big zamindars 
and business magnates in these words 

“Today the state in most places has become the landowner and extinguished the 
Zamindar class. Therefore, normally and legally the burden of providing for this school 
education must fall on public exchequer. If you have taken the land you must bear the full 
burden of the dues from the land/’ 

Unluckily no attention apparently has been paid by the government 
to this advice. The state of education and the plight of the teachers in 
these institutions is growing worse. The stability of such institutions 
is becoming precarious. The sources feeding them have dried up. The 
old order has been changed but without replacing it with a hew one. 
Naturally the result is chaotic. The low and irregularly paid teachers 
cannot obviously devote their entire energy to impart right sort of 
education to the students, whose future is entrusted to them. Another 
calamity that has befallen these institutions is that their management has 
deteriorated to a large extent and this has contributed much to the rising 
indiscipline among the students and their apathy towards learning. 
Under the prevailing conditions free education, so much talked of, is also 
likely to remain a dream for a long time to come. 

Advice to Sikhs 

Commenting on the downfall of Ranjit Singh's kingdom he advised 
the Sikhs in his article The Sikhs in Indian History published in the 
Hindusthan Standard dated 9 December 1951 as follows : — 

“In short the Sikhs must come in increasing number to qualify themselves in the higher 
branches of learning and science» civil administration and mechanical arts, so as to be able to 
march abreast with more advanced race3 of India. They must also cast off their old pride as 
a unique martial race, and be prepared to mtrg* themselves into one fully fused common 
Indian nationality, claiming only equal rights for themselves but no special favour....*’ 

Such an advice could only be ignored by a community at its 
own cost. Alas 1 they could not realize the depth of his thought at an 
earlier stage. Signs are visible that the Sikhs have now realized the 
significance of his sagacious counsel given as far back as 1951. They have 
resolved to tread the path then shown by him, only in 1956. 

Compulsory Hindi and Exclusion of English 

He gave another warning to his countrymen in his article compul- 



sory Hindi— Its effects on Education published in the Hindusthan 
Standard in these words : — 

"Exclude English from this high (unction of proved usefulness ; it is possible for you 
to do it by a vote in the legislature, but don’t forget that the cost will be ruin of Indian 
intelligentsia of the future. Hindi can never replace English and if it ever does so, India 
alone will be loser by the change.” 

It was in February 1953 that he wrote these lines, but the blind 
patriotic pride could not grasp their significance at that time. With the 
change in the medium of instruction from English to Hindi or regional 
languages, the standard of educacion has already considerably come down 
and the process may continue, unless it is checked in time. Happily 
our great leaders at the helm of affairs like Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, 
Mulana Abul Kalam Azad. etc. have not only realized the folly, but 
actually given out that English would remain as a second compulsory 
language at the University stage. It is understood that in every State 
the study of three languages will be made compulsory, English, Hindi 
and the regional language. This further testifies to the force of Sir 
Jadunath's argument in support of retention of English as a compulsory 
language in this country. 

Pak-American Pact and India 

The prophet-historian in the year 1954 in his article Pak-American 
Pact ( Hindusthan Standard, January 29, 1954) after discussing its 
implications and different aspects wrote with his characteristic 
candidness : — 

“The great heart of America is not dead, and in that heart I repose my foil confidence. 
If the U.S.A agrees to destroy India’s infant freedom, I have read American history amiss.” 

What a heartening assurance though to be tested by time is 
this for the Indian people— and a faith in the bona fides of the 
American people ! The statement was most probably made taking 
into consideration the chief characteristics of the American civilization 
and also the factors which go to make the American people and 
their character. Thus he has tried to remove, not without reason, 
from the minds of his countrymen the intense apprehension which 
has become almost a nightmare with us these days. The frantic search 
for security on the part of Germany and France before and after the 
World War I. and the disastrous consequences that followed from it 
could not be lost sight of by a historian like him. The hue and 
cry of the professional politicians at the time might have polluted 
the public opinion and resulted in a pressure being exerted on 
Jawaharlal Nehru to change his policy of neutrality. Events since Pak- 


American Pact have not so far belied the statement of Sir Jadunath ; 
rather they have upheld it. The recent visit of Jawaharlal Nehru 
to U.S.A. and the results of Eisenhower— Nehru talks are a proof 
positive of the good relations that still subsist between the two great 

What After Nehru ? 

Lately the public mind has been much occupied over the question 
“After Nehru, What ?” Sir Jadunath has his own say in the matter 
and on this year’s Republic day (26 January 1957) he in an article 

entitled “After Nehru ?” published in the Hindusthan Standard wrote 

as follows : — 

"If only yesmen are allowed to function a« our Finance Ministers the price will have to 
be paid ultimately by the Prime Minister’s reputation in the pages of history. But it is a long 
distance cheque.” 

Criticising the deficit budgeting by the Finance Ministers and the 
“ill arranged’’ and “spasmodically changed" taxation, going as high 
up during peace time as it is in other countries during war, he 
has warned the country from the pulpit of history that the frenzied 
finance and collapse of currency would ultimately bring about national 

Only the future will tell whether this prophecy of his comes out to 
be true or not. But his very simple argument would carry conviction 
even to a layman that one who earns less and spends moire cannot 
manage to make both ends meet for a long time, and that if in normal 
conditions the pockets of the people are emptied and they have no reserve 
for times of emergency, they would not be in a position to meet the 
financial demands of the Government. Evidently the Government stands 
nothing to lose rather everything to gain if it heeds the above warning 
from a man of the calibre and eminence of Sir Jadunath Sarkar, who 
has been a keen student of Economics also. It is not for the first 
time that he has criticized the financial policy of the Government of 
India. During the British regime he wrote his famous book Economics of 
British India in 1909, wherein he vehemently criticized the British fiscal 
policy then obtaining in India. Regarding the standard of the book 
and popular ty which it gained see supra 58. Sir Theodore Morison also 
appreciated this work of Sir Jadunath as his "conscientious investigation 
of detail". This should be sufficient to prove that Sir Jadunath 
deserves a place of distinction amongst the economists, and should 
allay the misgivings of those who have known him only as a biographer 
of Aurangzeb. 



There is no likelihood that Sir Jadunath’s predictions would turn out 
false if there is even an iota of truth in the words of A. F. Pollard : — 
“Knowledge of public action in the past provides the best means of 
understanding public action in the present, and the safest guide for the 
exercise of political power. Through the proper study of history we can 
join the wisdom of Solomon to the counsel of Socrates by trying to get 
understanding and learning to know ourselves.” 

Bibliography of Jadunath's works, 
research papers and articles, etc. 




BIRENDRANATH BOSE, M. A., B. L., Calcutta 

Research Works : 

1. India of Aurangzib, Topography, Statistics 

and Roads 



Economics of British India 




History of Aurangzib 

Vol. I. 






.. III. 





„ V. 




Anecdotes of Aurangzib and 

Historical Essays 




Chaitanya ; his Pilgrimages and Teachings 

(afterwards Chaitanya’s 

Life and Teachings, 1922) 



Shivaji and His Times 




Studies in Mughal India 




Mughal Administration : 

1st Series ... 1920 Calcutta 

2nd Series ... 1925 (Patna University) 

Combined Volume ... 1925 


Later Mughals (1707-1739) : 

By W. Irvine, ed. and continued 

by J. N. Sarkar, Vols. 1.— II. 



India Through the Ages 



Short History of Aurangzib 




12. Bihar and Orissa during the fall of the 
Mughal Empire 









20 . 

21 . 

22 . 





Fall of the Mughal Empire : 

Vol. I. 


.. III. 

„ IV. 

Studies in Aurangzib’s Reign 
House of Shiva ji 

Maasir-i-Alamgiri (Bibliotheca Indica) 
translated into English by J. N. Sarkar 


September 1934 
November 1938 

May 1940 

October 1947 

Poona Residency Correspondence (Edited) : — 

Vol. I. 


.. XIV. 

Ain-i'Akbari, Bibliotheca Indica (Edited) : — 

Vol. III. English translation by Jarrett 
Vol. II. Do 

Persian Records of Maratha History [ translated into English ] . 

Vol. I. Poona Letters from Delhi 

Vol. II. Mahadji Sindhia as Regent of Delhi 

Nawabs of Bengal (Sir William Jones Bicentenary series) No. 1. 

Asiatic Society, Calcutta 

Shiva ji, a study in Leadership (Sholapur D. A. V. College), 1949 
Military History of India (in progress) 

History of the Dasnami Sect (English), Vols. I. and II. 






Do Do (Hind:) 

Aurangzib (Hindi) 
Shivaji (Hindi) 

English Translations of Rabindranath's Bengali Pieces : 

(Modern Review) 

1. Philosophy of Indian History, 1910, Vol. 8 

2. Shakuntala, its inner meaning, 1911, Vol. 9 

3. Future of India, 1911, Vol. 9 

4. Rise and Fall of the Sikh Power 

5. Impact of Europe on India, I. 

6. Impact of Europe on India, II. 1911, Vol. 10 



7. Beauty and Self-Control 

8. Victorious in Defeat (Short Story) 

9. India’s Epic, 1912, Vol. 12 

10. Woman’s Lot ip East and West 

11. Supreme Night (Short Story), 1912, Vol. 12 

12. Adamant (Short Story), 1912, Vol. 12 

13. River Stories (Short Story), 1912, Vol. 12 

14. Spring Head of Indian Civilisation 

15. Communal Life in India, 1913, Vol. 13 

16. My interpretation of Indian History, 1913, Vol. 14 

17. Kalidas the Moralist, 1913, Vol. 14 

18. Tagore's Ballads, 1913 

Original articles not printed in books 

(Modern Review) 

Life of Shivaji 
Guide to Indian History 

Life Story of a Great Pariah — Raj Narayan Bose 
Recollections of Sister Nivedita 
Higher Teaching of History, Belgium 
Confessions of a History Teacher 
New Light on Maratha History 
Oriental Monarchies 
Rise of Shahji Bhonsle 
Post-graduate Teaching at Calcutta 
Vernacular Medium 
Calcutta University Reform 
Present Condition of the Hindu University 
Movements in Indian Literature 
Shivnath Shastri 

Working of the Hindu University 
Indian Influence on the Art of Indo-China 
Hindu Influence on Further India 
Surendra Nath Banerji 

University Problems of To-day, Student Unrest 
Delhi during the Great Anarchy 
Calcutta University Reform 
Defence of India 

Present Condition of the Calcutta University 
A Lesson for To-day 

... 1907 
... 1907 
... 1908 
... 1909 
... 1911 
... 1915 

... 1916 
... 1917 
... 1917 

... 1918 
... 1918 
.,. 1919 
... 1919 
... 1919 
... 1919 
... 1920 
... 1920 
... 1920 
... 1921 
... 1921 
... 1921 
... 1921 
... 1922 
... 1922 



An Educational Programme for Bengal ... 1922 

Pratap of Bengal ... 1923 

University Reform ... 1923 

A Flower of Rajput Chivalry— Durga Das ... 1923 

The First Printed Life of Shivaji (Translation from 
French) ... 1924 

Historical Records of Northern India ... 1925 

On the death of C. R. Das ... 1925 

Pitfalls of the investigator of Indian History ... 1925 

Calcutta University To-day ... 1925 

Calcutta University and Reform ... 1925 

Lessons of Indian History . . . 1929 

End of Nadir Shah ... 1929 

Last Dream of Nadir Shah . . . 1929 

India’s Military Defence ; what it implies ... 1929 

Rajputs in the Mughal Empire ... 1930 

Free Sources of Maratha History ... 1930 

Unity of India ... 1942 

Unity in spite of Diversity (Akbar) ... 1943 

India’s Military Decline in the 18th Century ... 1943 

Ramanand Chatterji . . . 1943 

Mahadji Sindhia's End ... 1944 

A 20th Century Rishi — Sir P. C. Roy ... 1944 

A Scheme — or a Dream ? ... 1945 

Battle of Panipat — the Victor’s Despatches ... 1946 

Free India, a Reverie ... 1947 

A Corpus of Original Sources of Later Bengal History ... 1947 

From Asaf Jah I. to Osman Ali ... 1948 

Brothers from over the River ... 1948 

Over Immediate Future ... 1948 

Eastern India under the Pala Kings ... 1948 

University Reform ... 1949 

An Old man’s last Hope ... 1951 

History’s Warning to India ... 1953 

(Bengal Past and Present) 

Warren Hastings as seen by the Maratha Envoy, 

January-December ... 1953 

A Century of Historic Prints, January-June ... 1954 

The Jat Dynasty of Bharatpur, July-December ... 1955 


(Proceedings of Indian Historical Records Commission 1 ) 

The missing links in the History of Mughal India 

from 1658 to 1761 

Shivaji in the Madras — Karnatak 



(from unpublished French Records in Paris)... 
Historical Records relating to Northern India 






The House of Jaipur 



General De Boigne in India 



(Hindusthan Standard, Calcutta) 

Conditions under Muslim Rule 



Whither Young India? 

25 November 1951 

Place of Sikhs in Indian History 

9 December 


Land of Kings 

3 February 


A1 Beruni 

23 March 


New Dawn in Rajasthan 

30 March 


Janam Baisakhi 



What Maharashtra teaches us 

23 May 





Military History. No. 1 



Do No. 3 

29 August 


Sister Nivedita 



Statues of Foreigners 



Footprints of Vivekanand 



Compulsory Hindi No. I. 



Compulsory Hindi No. II. 



Future of our Vernaculars 



Why Linguistic Provinces 



Presenting Christianity to India 



1947-53, Debit and Credit 

15 August 


Future of Sanskrit Studies 


Future of our Middle Class 



Congress ; Look W ithin 



Pak-U.S. Pact 



Indian Military Hi-.tory, No. 5 

21 February 


Century of Historical Prints 

29 March 


The Two Sisters 



Hindu Unity a Dream ? 



Light on God 



X. He published 13 research papers in the Proceedings of the Commission. See supra, 98. 


Homage to Frante 

... December 


Our Debt to Scottish Teachers 

... December 


Status of Woman in Hinduism 

... December 


Prafulla Kumar Sarkar 



After Nehru ? 

... 26 January 


Other Articles 

(Krithnath College Centenary Volume) 

Old Murshidabad 

(The Statesman, Calcutta) 

Durga Puja Seventy years Ago 
British Monarchy in Indian History 
Seed and Fruit of Plassey 

(Presidency College Magazine, Calcutta) 

Biographical sketches of (1) C. H. Tawney in the 
Silver Jubilee Number, and (2) F. J. Rowe, 

(Jawaharlal Nehru Birthday Book) 

Condition of Kashmiri People under Muslim Rule 

... November 


What Colleges India Needs 

Forewords to other Person’s Works 

1. To Mirat-i-Ahmadi (Persian text) in the Gaekwad’s Oriental 
Series, 1926 

2. To Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, English translation by K. K. Basu 
in the Gaekwad’s Oriental Series 

3. To The First Two Nawabs of Oudh by A.L. Srivastava, 1933 

4. To Historical Papers relating to Sindhia of Gwalior by G. S. 

5. To History of the Sikhs, 1739-1768 by Hari Ram Gupta, 1939 

6. To Baji Rao I by V. G. Dighe 

7. To Marathi Riyasat by G. S. Sardesai 

8. To Paramanand — Kavya (Sanskrit text) edited by G. S. Sardesai 
in the Gaekwad's Oriental Series 1552 

9. To Glimpses of Mughal Architecture by Amrendra Goswami, 


10. To History and Administration of the N orth-Western Provinces, 
1803-1858 by Dharma Bhanu, 1956 








JADUNATH sarkar commemoration volume 




JOGESH C. BAGAL, Calcutta 

Jadunath’s contribution to the reconstruction of Indian history, 
especially of the Mughal period, has been recognised by the savants of the 
East and the West. Though these works are in English, he has not 
neglected his mother tongue, Bengali. Indeed his contributions in Bengali 
are many and on a great variety of subjects, such as, literary criticism, 
poetry, culture, the unemployment problem, social questions, biographies, 
besides various original historical themes. Only a few of them have been 
published in bookform. The vast majority of his Bengali articles and 
papers have remained concealed in the pages of Bengali magazines, learned 
journals and periodicals. As will be seen from the appended list of his 
contributions, Dr. Sarkar’s first article in Bengali was published as far 
back as 1894. His facile and virile pen is still active. His literary career 
covers a period of over sixty years. Dr. Sarkar’s forewords to authorita- 
tive books written by various scholars are very valuable. A list of his 
published books, articles printed in magazines and journals, but not yet 
in bookform as well as his prefaces to several works of other men is given 
here. 1 The late Brojendra Nath Banerjee compiled this list upto the 
year 1948. I have supplemented the list from 1948 onwards. 

Bangla Granthavali 

(Bengali Books) 

1. Siyar-ul-Mutakhkharin ; anuvadak — Gaur Sundar Mitra 

(Sampadita) : Kartik 1322 (A. D. 1915) : Prishtha 40, asampurna. 

(Siyar-ul-Mutakharin, edited and translated by Gaur Sundar Mitra, 
Kartik 1322 (A. D. 1915) ; Pages 40 ; incomplete). 

2. Shivaji (November, 1929) ; Prishtha 264. 

3. Maratha-Jatiya Vikash (Saral kahini), Asharh 1343 (A. D. 1936) 
Prishtha 48 ; Suchi : Maratha Jatir-abhyudaya — Shivaji — Shivajin — Par- 
Maratha Itihas dhara— Maharashtra sahity o itihas uddharer Kahini* 

1. This bibliography was written in Bengali. To make it useful to non-Bengali knowing 
readers of this book its transliteration and English translation are published here. I am 
grateful to Dr. S. M. Mukherjee, Professor and Head of the Department of Chemistry, Pas jab 
University, for his kindly assisting me in correcting transliteration as well as the translation 
of the Bengali text* [ Ed. ] 



(The development of the Marathas — Simple history). 

(Contents : The rise of Maratha Power — Shivaji — The course of 
Maratha History after Shivaji — The story of discovery of the Maratha 
literature and history). 

Pustakakare aprakashita Bangla Rachana 

(Bengali unpublished essays in bookform). 

Year Magazine Article 

( Bangali Samvat ) 

1302 Baishakh 



Haridwar o Kumbha Mela-Ekashi 
Vatsar pur be 

(Hardwar and Kumbh Mela- 
eighty-one years ago) 

1311 Kartik 


(A man in sojourn) 

Aurangzeber adi leela 
(Aurangzeb’s earlier history and 

1312 Asharh 

(The New Light) 

Sadhu Vachan (The Sadhu’s word) 


n Prabasi 

Kovi-bachan Sudha (The nectar 
of the poet’s word) 



Chadgaon o jaladashugan 
(Chittagong and the pirates) 



Ekjan Bangali Mussulman Vir 
(A Bengali Muslim Hero) 

1313 Jaishtlia 


Shayasta Khaner Chadgaon 


(The capture of Chittagong by 
Shayasta Khan) 

Agrahayan Prabasi 

Shahjahaner-rajya Nash Sunartorir 
Vyakhya (The Empire of 
Shah Jahan. The meaning of the 
''Golden Boats") 

1314 Asharh 






Dui rakam kovi-Hemchandra o 
Rabindranath (Two kinds of Poets 
Hemchandra and Rabindranath) 

1315 Bhadra 





Khudabakhsh Khan Bahadur 



Year Magazine 


1316 Phalgun Prabasi 

Phalgun Bhagalpur Sahitya 
Sammelaner Karya 


The report of Sahitya 
Sammelan of Bhagalpur 
1317 Magh Prabasi 

1317 Magh Rangpur Sahitya 

Parishad Patrika 
Dwitiya Sankhya 
(Second issue) 

1318 Ashvin Prabasi 

Agrahayan Janhobi 

1320 Shravan Prabasi 

1321 Kartik Prabasi 

1322 Baishakh Prabasi 

(Reprinted in the 
‘Shanivarer Chitthi’, 
Ashvin 1355) 

1322 Shravan Prabasi 

Mussulman Bharater Itihaser 
upakaran (The materials for the 
history of Muslim rule in India) 
Banga-bhashider janya Bihare 
College Sthapan. (Mathuranath 
Singher Name Prakashita) 

(The establishment of a College 
in Bihar for the Bengali speaking 
people). (This article was pub- 
lished under the name of 
Mathuranath Sinha) 

Mussulman Bharater itihaser 

(The material for the history of 
Muslim rule in India) 

Bangalir Bhasha o Sahitya 
(Bengali language and literature) 
Maldaha Uttar Banga Sahitya 
Sammelaner Sabhaptir Bhashan 
(The presidential address of the 
North Bengal Sahitya Sammelan 
at Maldah) 

Badshahi gal pa 
(The story of the Emperors) 
Ishwar Rajanikanta Sen 
(The late Rajani Kanta Sen) 
Purvabanga (Samalochona) 

Eastern Bengal (A critical study) 
Murshid Kuli Khaner Abhyudaya 
(The rise of Murshid Quli Khan) 
Vardhaman Bangiya Sahitya 
Sammelane Itihas Shakhar 
Sabhapatir Bhashan (The presi- 
dential address at the Historical 
Branch of the Bangiya Sahitya 
Sammelan at Burdwan) 

Banglar Itihas (Samalochana) 
History of Bengal (A critical 



Year Magazine 

1323 Baishakh Manoshi o 


Asharh Bharatvarsha 

Magh Prabasi 
Phalgun Bharatvarsha 


Aurangzeber Parivar Varga 
(The family of Aurangzeb) 
William Irvine, I.C.S. 

Patnar-prachin chitra 
(A picture of the old Patna) 
Patnar Katha 
(A description of Patna) 

1324 Asharh Prabasi 

Shravan „ 

Bhadra Bharatvarsha 

1326 Ashvin Prabasi 

(Reprinted in 1355 in 
“Shanivarer Chitthi” 
in Asharh) 

Kartik Prabasi 

Agrahayan Bharatvarsha 
Chaitra Bharatvarsha 

1327 Kartik Prabasi (Reprinted in 
Shanivarer Chitthi in 

Prabasi Bangali o Banga Sahitya 
(The Bengalis outside Bengal and 
Bengali literature) 

Viswavidya Sangraha (Collection 
of World Knowledge) 

‘Banglar Begum’ dwitiya Sanskaran 
(Samalochana) 'The Begum of 
Bengal’ (Second Edition — A 

Pratapaditya Sambandhe kichhu 
nutan sambad (Some new light 
about Pratapaditya) 1355 Asharher 
"Shanivarer Chitthite” 

Mussulman Amoler Bharat shilpa 
(Indian art during the Muslim 

Rammohan Rayer Kirti (The 
great deeds of Rammohan Roy) 
Mughal Bharatitihaser Lupta 
Upadan (The lost materials of 
Indian history during the Mughal 

Pratapadityar Patan (The fall of 
Pratapaditya) - 

Jyeshtha 1355) 



(Summer Issue) Prabhati 
1328 Baishakh Bharatvarsha 

Nutaner madhye Puratner prakash 
(The manifestation of the old in 
the new) 

Arajak Dillee 1749-1788 (The 
anarchy at Delhi, 1749-88) 



Year Magazine Article 

Asharh Prabasi Pratapadityer Sabhaya Khrishthan 

(Reprinted in Shanivarer Padri (The Christian Missionary 
Chitthi in Asharh 1355) in the court of Pratapaditya) 

Shravan Prabasi 
Ashvin Prabasi 

1328 Agrahayan Prabasi 
Magh Shikshak 

Nidhagh Sankhya 
(Summer Issue) Prabhati 

Shit Sankhya, 

(Winter Issue) Prabhati 

1329 Baishakh 






1329 Bhadra 






Bokainagar kella o Usman (The 
fort at Bokainagar and Osman) 
Aurangzeb o Mandir dhvansa- 
Itihasik Satya Ki ? 

(Aurangzeb and the destruction of 
temples — Is it an historical truth) 
Kejo rasayan workshop (Useful 
workshop of Chemistry) 

Banger shesh Pathan Vir (The 
last Pathan hero of Bengal) 
Shikshar alochana keno avashyak 
(Why the discussion on education 
is a necessity) 

Dilleeshwaro va Jagdishwar va 
(The Emperor of Delhi — Is he 
God Incarnate ?) 

Aurangzeber Rajottwer Hindu 

(A Hindu historian during 
Aurangzeb’s rule) 

Banglar ek Khani Prachin Itihas 

(An old history of Bengal dis- 

Aurangzeber Satara Avarodh 
(The Siege of Satara by 

Banglar Swadhin Zamidarer Patan 
(The fall of the independent 
Zamindars of Bengal) 

Bharater aisvaryya 
(The prosperity of India) 
Aitihasik Bhimsen 
(Historical Bhimsen) 

Bange Mag o Firingi 

(The Mags and the Firingis in 







1330 Poush 


Samraat Shahjahaner Doinandin 

(The daily life of the Emperor 
Shah Jahan) 



Mughal Shahzadar Shiksha 
(The education of the Mughal 
Imperial Princes) 

1333 Baishakh Prabasi 

Kumar Darar Vedanta Charcha 
(The studies in Vedanta of the 
Prince Dara) 

1335 Chaitra 


Maharashtra Deshva Maratha Jati 
(The Maratha land or the 
Maratha people) 

1336 Agrahaya 

n ~^Prabasi 

Pita Putre 


(Between Father and Son) 

1337 Baishakh 


Aurangzeber jiwan natya 
(The life drama of Aurangzeb) 



Nadirshaher Abhyudya 
(The rise of Nadir Shah) 



Bharate Mussulman 
(The Muslims in India) 



Bange bargi 

(The Bargi-Marathas — in Bengal) 

1338 Baishakh 

Bargir Hangama 



(Plundering by the Bargi- 




1339 Ashvin 


Shivaji o Jayasingha 



(Dwitiya Khanda) 

(Shivaji and Jaysingh) 



Samvadpatr£ Sekaler Katha 

Tales of olden days in the 


(A critical study) 



Mughal Samrajyer pataner Itihas 
(The history of the downfall of 
the Mughal Empire) 



Year Magazine Article 

Chaitra Bangashri Maratha Soubhagya Surjyer 


(The setting of the sun of Maratha 

1340 Shravan Bharatvarsha Navin banger jiwan Prabhater 


Samwadpatre sekaler Katha, 
divitiyo Khander Samalochna 
(Some scenes of the dawn of life 
of New Bengal) 

(Criticism of the second volume of 
the tales of older times in the 

1341 Jaishtha Bharatvarsha Jatiya Natoker Vikash— bangiya 

natyashalar itihaser samalochna 
(The development of the national 
drama— a criticism of the history 
of the Bengal Theatre) 

Kartik Bulbul (Reprinted in Itihaser Gurha Tatwa 
Poush the Shanivare Chitthi" (Kolikatar Prabasi Banga Sahitya 
Ashvin issue, 1355) Sammelaner dwadash adhiveshanfi 

Itihas Shankhar Udbodhan 

(The Essentials of history) 

(The inaugural address at the 
History branch of the twelfth 
session of the Prabasi Banga 
Sahitya Sammelan in Calcutta) 
(Reprinted in Shanivarer Chitthi, 
Ashvin 1355) 

1342 June Rajat J ayanti-Bharat Adhunik Bharate Itihaser Vikas 

Samrajyer pachish (The development of history in 
batsar . modern India) 

(Twenty-five years of 
Indian Empire) 

1342 7 Agrahayan Desk 
(1935, 23rd 

Bangalir nijaswa Banimandir 
(The Bengalis own temple of 



Year Magazine 

Poush Bharatvarsha 

1936 24 January Nutan Patrika 

1342 1 Chaitra Desk 


Samwadpatr4 sekaler Katha, 
tritiya khanda (Samalochna) 

(The stories of olden times in the 
newspapers ; third part — 

Islami Sabhyatar Swarup ki ? 
(What is the real form of Islamic 
civilization ?) 

Maharaj Divya o Bbim 

(1936 14 March) 

Sahitya Parishad 

1343 30 Ashvin Education Gazette 

Chandannagar Sahitya 
Sammelaner Karya 
Vivaran (The Report 
of the Sahitya Sammelan History Branch 
at Chandarnagar) 

(Maharaj Divya and Bhim) 

Bange Mughal-Pathan Sangharsha 
(1575 A. D.) 

(The Mughal-Pathan war in 
Bengal, 1575 A. D.) 

Banger Bahire Shakti-Puja 

(The worship of Shakti outside 


Itihas Shankhar Sabhapatir 

(The Presidential Address at the 

1344 Asharh 


1345 Asharh 

Masik Basumati 

1345 Asharh 

Shanivarer Chitthi 




Sahitya Parishad 




Sahitya Parishad 





Bankim Chandra o Islamiya Samaj 
(Bankimchandra and the Muslim 

Bankim Pratibha 

(The genius of Bankimchandra) 

Yugadharma o Sahitya 

(The religion and literature of 

the day) 

Mughal Bharater Aitihasikgan 

(Historians of India in the 
Mughal Empire) 

Musalman juge Bharater 

(The Indian historians during the 
Muslim rule) 




1346 Dwitiya 

Sahitya Parishad 

1347 Pratham 

Sahitya Parishad 

Chaturtha Sahitya Parishad 
Sankhya Patrika 

1348 Ashvin 

Shanivarer Chitthi 



1349 Pratham 

1350 Tritiya 

Sahitya Parishad 

Sahitya Parishad 

1351 Pratham 

Sahitya Parishad 



1352 Magh 


Phalgun - 
Chaitra _ 

J Prabasi 

1354 Ashvin 


1355 Ashvin 



Prachi (Shantipur) 


Musalman juge Bharater 

(The Indian historians during the 
Muslim rule) 

Rammohan Royer Vilat Yatra 
(The travel of Rammohan Roy to 

Madhyajuger Banglar Itihaser 

(The materials of Bengal History 
in the Middle Ages) 
Robindranather Ekti Dan 
(A gift of Rabindranath) 

Mohini Mohan Chakravarti Smriti 
(Reminiscences of Mohinimohan 

Hirendranath Dutt 

Durgeshnandinir Aitihasik Vitti 
(The historical background of 

Natya Sahitya Kothay gello 
(Dramatic Literature — where 

Akbarer amal 
(The time of Akbar) 

Arya Niveditar Adarsha 
Gaveshanar Pranali 
(The ideal of Arya Nivedita — the 
method of research) 



Svadhinatar Ushay Chinta 
. (Thoughts on the Dawn of 

Desher Bhavishyat 
(The future of the country) 
Bahirer Jagatke Banglar Dan 
(Contribution of Bengal to the 
world outside) 






1355 Poush 


Amar jiwaner tantra 
(The way of my life) 



Bangasahitye Itihaser Sadhana 
(The contribution of history in 
Bengali Literature) 

1357 Poush 


Banglar Aitihasik Gaveshanar 

(The problem of historical 
research in Bengal) 

1359 Jaishtha 


Banglar Smaj-jiwan sompad 
(The wealth of social life of 

1360 Sharadiya 

Sanskrita shikshar bhavishyat 

Shashtham o Saptam Usha 

(The future of Sanskrit education) 


(The sixth and seventh 
autumn issue) 

Vibhinna Pustaker Bhumika 

(Introduction and Foreword to different books) 

Prachin Itihaser galpa 
(The story of ancient history) 
Pratap Singha (third edition) 
Mughalyuge Stri Shiksha 

Jahan Ara 

Shivaji Maharaj 

Omar Khayyam 

Ananda Math 

Durgesh Nandini 

Devi Chaudhurani 

Raja Singha 

Prabhat Kumar 
Mukhopadhya (Poush 1319) 
Satishchandra Mitra (May 1927) 
Brojendranath Bandopadhaya 
(Asharh 1326) 

Brojendranath Bandopadhyaya 
(Jaishtha 1327) 

Brojendranath Bandopadhyaya 
(Phalgun 1335) 

Suresh Chandra Nandi 
(Bhadra 1336) 

Parishad Sanskaran (Parishad Edition- 
Asharh 1345) 

Parishad Edition 
(Poush 1345) 

Parishad Edition 
(Bhadra 1346) 

Parishad Edition 
(Shravan 1347) 




Bankimchandra o Musulman Samaj 
(Bankimchandra and the 
Muslim Society) 

Chheleyder Babar 
(Babar for children) 

Bangalir Itihas 
(History of the Bengalis) 
Mughal-Pathan (The Mughals 
and Pathans) 

Prachin Kalikata 
(Kathya o Chit re) 

(Old Calcutta in story and picture) 

Parishad Edition 
(Phalgun 1352) 

(May 1944) 

Bani Gupta 
(Baishakh 1352) 

Nihar Ranjan Roy 
(Ashvin 1356) 

Brojendranath Bandopadhyaya 
(Asharh 1359) 

Harihar Seth 
(Bhadra 1359) 


Selections from 
Sarkar-Sardesai Correspondence 



Jadunath Sarkar's 1 Letters * to G . S. Sardesai 

Patna College, 
Moradpur, P. O , (Patna), 

The only histories that we have of the period 1757-1857 are in 

1. The editing of this Correspondence proved a hard job. First of all the letters were 
arranged chronologically. Then they were carefully gone through twice, and passages of 
historical importance were copied in hand without putting any mark on the original letters. 
These excerpts were typed and carefully compared with the originals and corrected to every 
comma and a dot. To prepare foot-notes all the published works of Jadunath and Sardesai 
were studied thoroughly. 

This task was first taken up by Mahraj Kumar Dr. Raghubir Sinh, D. Litt., M. P. of 
Sitamau, and the whole Correspondence was sent to him. He wished to do this work perfectly, 
and for this purpose started getting the entire Correspondence typed in full. He faced the 
difficulty of finding a competent typist, and could get only a fraction of the Correspondence 
typed. It was in this condition that the Correspondence was received by the Editor and dealt 
with as stated above. 

2. All these letters are hand-written. 

3. G. S Sardesai belongs to the Karhad section of the Brahmans of Maharashtra. He 
was born on 17 May 1865 in a small village of the Ratnagiri District of Konkan. He received 
his elementary education in a neighbouring village school and matriculated from the Govern- 
ment High School, Ratnagiri, 30 miles distant. Its energetic headmaster Mr. Kirtane was so 
much impressed by the young scholar’s ability and character that he married his eldest 
daughter to him in February 1884. Sarde ai then joined the Fergusson College at Poona, 
but graduated from the Elphinstone College, Bombay# in 1888. He took up service in the 
Falace Department of the Baroda State, and began teaching the Maharaja’s children. He 
visited Europe five times. He retired in 1925 after 37 years’ service. 

Sardesai had commenced his literary career while in Baroda service. First he trans- 
lated inMarathi Machiavelli’s Prince and Seeley’s Expansion of England both published in 
1895. Then he planned and successfully executed his Marathi Riyasat from Shivaji to Baji 
Rao II in 9 volumes in 30 years’ time. Afterwards he published Selections from the Peshwas ’ 
Daftar in 45 volumes, which stand "as an enduring monument to the devoted labour and wide 
accurate learning of this son of Maharashtra. 1 * He also published Mabadji’s Letters 
"correctly dated and annotated” in 5 volumes* He edited in collaboration with Sir Jadunath 
Sarkar the Poona Residency Records in English- 


English [ , P Persian, or Marathi. 

The Marathi bakhars 8 are well — known to you. The Persian 
histories were mostly written by flattering Mussalmans for their English 
patrons, and hence they do not give “the other side.” Thus the 
Siyar-ul-Mutakherin (English translation in 4 vols. issued by Cambray 
& Co., Calcutta) will be of no use to you. We have, therefore, no other 
resource than (a) accounts written by Europeans — hostile to the leading 
officials or with a grievance against the E. I. Co., ( b ) side lights on the 
then condition of India, to be gleaned after long and minute search from 
the published (English) records, and (c) studies and monographs written 
by modern Indian scholars, which give a new presentation of the old 
facts of Anglo-Indian history, but have no new records to show. These 
last give the philosophy of history, and tell us “what the true facts most 
probably were,” but cannot adduce documentary evidence. 

I subjoin a list of works under each of these heads, with comments : 

(a) Caracciolf s Life of Clive in 4 vols. (out of print). Full of 
abuse, exposing all his sins. 

W. Bolts— Considerations on Indian Affairs fully exposing the 
plunder and oppression of the Company’s servants in Bengal. (This will 
be most useful to you [ . ]) 

On 12-10-1948 Sir Jadunath Sarkar wrote about G. S. Sardesai as follow* : — 

“What has impressed me most during my forty-four years of active comradeship 
with Govind Sakharam Sardesai, is his thirst of truth. He ha* never hugged any 
prejudice to his breast, but has kept the windows of his mind ever open for light from 
all directions, and has been always eager to learn. Through a life now exceeding 
four score years, he has never ceased to read new books and pursue new lines of 
thought. In addition to this indefatigable industry and intellectual alertness, charac- 
teristic of German scholarship, he has cultivated the German habit of methodical 
arrangement, docketing and indexing every scrap of information or thought, and 
drawing up chronological lLts and genealogical tables with meticulous accuracy and 
detail. But his German thoroughness has not weighed his writings down with German 
heaviness of style. His books are pleasant to read and their thoughts ea.y to 

remember His style has the clear smooth flow of a limpid brook . 99 ( Sardesai 

Commemoration Volume , pp. 291-304, and Sarkar Sardesai Correspondence) 

In view of his meritorious services rendered to the cause of Maratha History, the 
University of Bombay conferred upou him the Honorary Degree of D. Litt. The British 
Government of India created him a Rao Bahadur. Thi* year on the Republic Day 
(26 January 1957) the President of India has bestowed on him the high honour of Padain 

1. Italics and long brackets with the punctuation marks, etc. inside are ours. (Ed.) 

2* It means chronicles. Vide Sardesai, Main Currents of Maratha History , 37. 



Burke — Impeachment of Warren Hastings (This must be familiar 
to you ; — not so full of facts.) 

Shore — Notes on Indian Affairs, or Misgovernment of India 
(deals with the 19th. century.) 

Malleson — Clive and Warren Hastings ("Founders of Indian Empire” 
series) [ , ] 2 large volumes written by a fair-minded historian. 

(f>) Forrest — Bengal in 1757, 3 vols. (recently issued by the 
Government of India), shows the oppression of the E. I. Co’s servants. 

The Fifth Report (occasionally)' 

The Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons, on 
the basis of which Parliament decided to impeach Warren Hastings 

Hill — Three Frenchmen in Bengal. 

Vansittart — T ransactions in Bengal, 3 vols. (suppresses many facts.) 

(c) Akshaya K. Maitra— Strajwddaw/a (Bengali), proves "Black 
Hole” a myth. 

Kali P. Banerji — Banglar Itihasha 18th. century. (Bengali) A mine 
of information on the Muhammadan administration of Bengal [,] 1707-1757. 
But it does not give the Indian side of the doings of the English, because 
it does not go beyond 1750 or so. 

Nikhil K. Ray — Murshidabader Itihasha (Bengali), a history of the 
rulers and the social condition of the gentry, — but does not touch the 

The diary of the Frenchman, John [Jean] Law, will be soon issued 
from a MS. by H. N. De, the Imperial Librarian, Calcutta. I am ignorant 
of its contents, but it ought to give the French view of Indian affairs 
about 1760. 

For the destruction of Indian trade, you should refer to Mr. 
R. C. Dutt’s Economic History and the authorities to whom he appeals. 

Moradpur, P. O., 

Patna Dist., 

4th. Feb. 1908. 

I have approached the history of India during the Mughal period 
from works of the Persian historians, and they have entirely neglected 
subjects like Commerce, the Condition of the People, the Growth of 
Civilisation, & c. which are now considered to be of greater importance 
than the affairs of Courts and Wars. Moreover, the European traders 
touched, in Aurangzib’s reign [,] 1658-1707 A. D., only the fringe of the 
Mughal Empire, and were no more felt by the Emperor and his historian 


than a gnat on the horn of a bull. But the Europeans, being supreme at 
sea, did great harm by interfering with the pilgrim traffic between Surat 
and Mecca, and some of them (disavowed by their respective E. I. 
Companies) by practising piracy 1 in the Indian ocean. When these 
white pirates captured an Imperial ship named the Ganj-i-sau>ai,* 
Aurangzib ordered the English factors at Surat 3 to be imprisoned, I 
have a set of Persian letters in which these English captives piteously 
begged the Mughal governor 4 of Surat and petitioned the Emperor 
protesting their innocence and craving to be released. These I shall 
publish in translation in a year or two. But they throw no light on the 
state of trade. 

The war waged by Child 5 on Aurangzib is silently passed over by all 
the Persian historians ; so also are Shaista Khan’s 6 efforts to curb them. 

1. For details vide Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, V, 343-46 ; Short History of 
Aurangzib , 389-92. 

2. Ganj-t-sawai , the Emperor Aurangzeb's ship, was the largest Vessel in the port of 
Surat. The ship had 80 guns and 400 muskets on board and used to carry pilgrims for Mecca. 
Its captain was Muhammad Ibrahim who was a coward. Ganj-i-sawai was attacked in 
September 1695 between Bombay and Daman by the Fancy , a pirate ship, captained by 
Evory. an Englhman. The pirates raped the women and looted the ship for three days. 
(Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib, 391-2; History of Aurangzib, V , 343-6.) 

3. Surat is a town and port situated on the western coast of India in the north of 

4. This refers to Itimad Khan who also acted as the Collector of Customs of the port of 
Surat. He was an able and honest officer and was reputed to be a friend of the English. He 
died in February 1697. (Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib, 392 ; History of Aurangzib, 
V, 346 ) 

5. Sir John Child was the ‘General and Director in Chief’ of all the E. I. Co.'s factories 
in India. The English traders were often harassed on the western coast of India by the corrupt 
Mughal officials who amassed wealth by illicit means and in 1680 had imposed Jaziya upon the 
traders in the form of additional import duLy of one p. c. Child was, therefore, instructed from 
Home to protect the interests of the traders and relieve them from the greedy imperial officers. 
But Child was an incapable man and his attempt to remove the factory from Surat to Bombay 
in April 1687 faild. Next year in October 1688, he took a bold step, came to Swally with a 
fleet and demanded compensation from the Mughal Governor of Surat for the harm done to the 
English traders in the past. The Governor at once placed the English factors under arrest and 
sent a force against Child. But he made his escape and retaliated by capturing Indian ships. 
At last, the hostilities were ended in December 1689 when Aurangzeb pardoned the English 
captives for whose release Child had sent a mission to the Emperor. (Sarkar, Short History 
of Aurangzib , 388-9 ; History of Aurangzib t V, 335-40.) 

6. SliajUta Khan, entitled Amir-ul-umara or Premier Peer, was Aurangzeb’s maternal 
uncle- In 1660 Aurangzeb appointed him to the governorship of the Deccan, He had previously 



These matters only touched the frontier and were hardly talked about at 
Delhi ! Only the briefest and scantiest reference to the Europeans is 
found in the many hundred letters of Aurangzib which I have collected. 

Thus, you see, I am unable to answer your questions with regard to 
the reign of Aurangzib. But under his degenerate successors the position 
of the Europeans was entirely changed. From about 1750 they became 
practically the masters of the land. Delhi lost its importance. 

I have made no special study of this later period (say 1720 to 1761) 
and consequently I can only refer you to books. 

Bruce's Annals , 3 vols., is a mine of information, which is of para- 
mount importance to you. No history of the E. I. Co can be written 
without studying it. (I have consulted it only for my period about 1675 
to 1695.] 

Please also consult Bengal in 1757 , 3 vols. (Govt. Records Series) ed. 
by Prof. Forrest or Hill and Hunter’s History of India [,] Vol. II. (which 
covers the period 1626 to 1709) 

A History of the French E. I. Co based on French records was 
published in French about 3 years ago. If you want to deal with the 
whole question of European trade with India, you should procure it. 

In a previous letter I have urged on you the importance of Bolt’s 
Considerations of Indian Affairs. It is, however, too late for your period, 
but it will be of indirect use in throwing side lights on the past. 

I am very sorry at failing to give satisfactory answers to your interest- 
ing and suggestive queries, but I shall bear them in my mind in writing my 
History of India in the Reign of Aurangzib , which I have just begun. 

Moradpur, P. O., 

3-9-13 ' 

For the Mughal Emperors’ insignia of royalty and standards, please 
consult Blochmann’s Ain-i-Akbari, Eng. tr. Vol I. illustrations at the end. 

served as the governor of Malwa and the Deccan and had distinguished himself in the campaign 
against Golkonda. But the famous Mughal commander failed against Shivaji’s inborn genius 
for military organisation and in December 1663 got himself transferred to the Government 
of Bengal, He served as Viceroy of Bengal from 1664 to 1677 and for a second time from 
1680 to 1688. He suppressed the growing menace of the Chatagaon pirates. The most 
important event during his second viceroyalty of Bengal was the war with the English East 
India Company. He was an able and generous administrator and earned great popularity 
with the people. He encouraged trade, looked after the well-being of the people, and 
erected many buildings and serais. He died at Agra in April 1694, (Sarkar, History of 
Aurangzib , V, 366, 369 f. n, ; Short History of Aurangzib , 190-91, 192-3, 126-9, 398-9; 
Shiva ji, 75, 92 ; House of Shiva ji, 100 ; Studies in Mughal India, 118-167; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas, I, 121, 132, 144.) 


There is no book on Indian flags & c. But some information can be 
gleaned out of Tod’s Rajasthan, original edition. 

Egerton’s Handbook of Indian Arms in the Br. Museum, 2nd ed., 
is interesting, but not exactly what you want. 

Consult Griffith’s Ajanta Caves, for Indian royal costume and war 
paraphernalia about 600-800 A. D. 

Also V. Smith’s Coins in Indian Museum, Vol I. (Clarendon Press) 
30s. and List of Coins of the Gupta Emperors <& c. in the Br. Museum, 
Cunningham's Coins of Ancient <& Medieval India, <& c. 

Two Mss. of the Khuda Bakhsh Library here give illustrations of 
Timur, Babar, Akbar, &c. 

. . Moradpur, 

15 July, 1914. 

I am glad to learn that Mr. Mawji has mortgaged his Museum to the 
Baroda State. Does it include his collection of Persian f airmans issued 
to Shivaji’s family and the Persian Ms. containing certain Mughal-Maratha 
letters which he refused to let me copy when we two visited him ? 

There are detailed accounts of the career of Shahji 1 in the Persian 
histories of Jahangir and Shah Jahan and a Bijapur history, all in my 

Of Maloji 2 we have only a brief mention. For the execution of 

1, Shahji, father of great Shivaji, was the eldest son of Maloji and was born on 
15 March 1594. He first took service under Malik Ambar, the able regent of Nizam Shah. In 
November 1630 he joined the Mughals and got the rank of a Commander of 5.000 with two lakhs 
of rupees as his bounty and a small jagir. About June 1632 he deserted the imperial service 
and went over to the Bijapuris. But in August 1633 he espoused the cause of the decadent 
Nizam Shahi Dynasty and set up a puppet, Nizam Shah with the help of the Bijapuris. He 
carried on administration in his name for three years, but was defeated by the Mughals in 
October 1636 and had to give up his puppet king and dnter the Bijapur i service. He was 
courageous, resourceful and very bold. He patronised literature# The fort of Shahgarh was 
built by him. He fell from the horse on 23 January 1664 when he was hunting on the bank of 
Tungabhadra and died instantly. (Sarkar, Shiva ji, 16-23, 32, 35, 36, 58> 101, 224 ; House of 
Shiva ji, 22-5, 30-42, 45-57 ; Short History of Aurangzib, 181 ; History of Aurangzib, IV, 
21-3/ Sardesai, New History of the Maratkas,!, 45 51,53,54,60, 65, 69,71-3, 78-84, 171 ; 
Main Currents of Maratha History* 12, 60, 61, 62.) 

2. Maloji was the brother of Kheloji Bhosle. the first cousin of Shahji. (Sarkar. 
History of Aurangzib, I, 54.) 

There was another Maloji. son of Babaji, a village headman in the service of Nizam Shah 
of Ahmadnagar. Later, Maloji with his brother, V itoji, migrated to the village Verul (Ellora) 
near Daulatabad and took service as troopers under Jadav Rao of Sindhkher, a notale in the 



Kheloji, 1 see my History, Vol. I. p. 54. 

The 3rd volume of Aurangzib is still unwritten 

The best way to utilize Mawji’s Museum is to issue a descriptive 
catalogue of it with plenty of illustrations. That would attract scholars 
to it, and the collection would thus be made to yield fruit in the form of 



I have not been able to find any reference in the Persian histories to 
the captivity of Shahji at Bijapur 2 and his restoration to liberty at the 
bidding of Shah Jahan. Rajwade Vol 8, gives 2 letters written by 
Shah Jahan to Shahji and Shivaji on 30 Nov. 1649 — the alleged time of the 
arrest — but they merely invite Shiva to send an agent to the Mughal 
Court to make a confidential report of his heart’s wishes. Not a word is 
said of Shahji being confined. 

It is very strange that the detailed Persian history of Bijapur 
( Basatin-i-salatin ) should be silent about the arrest of Shahji. 

Is it a mere myth ? 



The Persian history of Bijapur ( Basatin-i-salatin . p. 309) states that 
Shahji was arrested at the siege of Jin ji 3 by the Bijapur commander-in- 

service of Nizam Shah. After some time they were di-mis^ed from service because Maloji had 
demanded the hand of his master’s daughter for Shahji. his son. (This marriage took place 
later on.) By chance, Maloji discovered buried treasure and suddenly grew rich and entered 
the service of Nizam Shahi Government. The Sultan of Ahmadnagar granted him the districts 
of Poona and Supa as jagir in recognition of his loyal services. He po»ser>sed an energetic mind 
and huge but strong body. He died in 1620. (Sarkar, Shiva/, 15-6 ; Sardesai, New Hitory 
of the Marathas, I, 45# 47# 52-3.) 

1. Kheloji Bhosle was the first cou>in of Shahji. In 1629 he took service under the 
Mughals and was created a Commander of 5,000. Previously he was in the service of Nizam 
Shahi Government and had held a high rank. In 1639 he deserted to Bijapur and began to 
fight against the imperial armies. But the Bijapur Sultan having made peace with Shah Jahan 
dismissed him. Thereupon he turned his face towards Daulatabad and became a freebooter. 
He was captured and put to death about October 1639 under instructions of Aurangzeb. (Sarkar, 
Short History of Aurangzib , 13; History of Aurangzib, I, 54-5.) 

2. Bijapur also named as Vijayapur is 130 miles south-east of Sitara and 160 miles south- 
east of Poona. It is one of the chief towns of Bombay State and there are a number of 
historical buildings which add to the importance of the city. It has played a great role in 
the history of the Deccan. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , II, 423-4.) 

3 Jinji or Gingt or Chcnji is a fort and village 40 miles inside from the coast of 
Pondicherry and 82 miles south-west of Madr£v, The fort was probably built by a Chola 
king in 1442 and was a stronghold of the Vijayanagar Empire. It was captured by the Muslims 
in 1638 and was under the Bijapur State during the time of Shivaji. (Imperial Gazetteer of 
India , V, 81-4.) 



chief Mustafa Khan, 1 and sent a captive to Bijapur, in the year 1648, “for 
reasons which it would be tiresome to state”. No mention is made of 
Shivaji’s capture of hill forts in this connection, nor of any pressure from 
Delhi which led to Shahji being released. Babaji Ghorpure 2 arrested him 
after a pursuit and not by treachery, as the Marathi bakhars allege. 



The official history of Aurangzib’ s reign states that Akbar 3 left 
Sambha’s 4 territory at the end of January 1683 and fled in a ship (to 

1. Muhammad Amin Khan Lari, surnamed Mustafa Khan, Khan Baba, was the prime 
minister of Bijapur from 12 September 1627 till his death on 9 November 1648. He was an 
“indolent, ease-loving noble” and the real power was exerci ed by his favourite, Khawas Khan 
who incarcerated his benefactor in 1633 and ruled, without the title of the prime minister, till 
his murder in 1635 when Mustafa Khan was again restored to the premiership. He was a fanatic 
in religious matters and led many an expedition against the Hindu Rajas. (Sarkar, House 
of Shiva ji, 16, 17-20, 22, 55-7 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 1, 31, 76, 77, 78, 79 ) 

2. Baji Ghorpare was a devoted and trusted vassal of Bijapur. He took part in numerous 
campaigns and acting under the orders of Mustafa Khan had arrested Shahji at Jinji in 1648. 
It greatly antagonized Shivaji who exacted full retribution for the offence in 1664 when he 
attacked Baji’s jagir, Mudhol, and killed him. Sarkar, Sh ivaji, 36, 228-9 ; Sarde ai, New 
History of the Marathas, I, 78, 98, 149-52.) 

3. Sultan Muhammad Akbar was the fourth son of Aurangseb. He was born at 
Aurangabad on 11 September 1657. The prince lost his mother within a month of his birth 
and was brought up by the family with great tenderness and love. He was given the chief 
command in Marwar and Mewar in the Rajput war of 1679 but he acquitted himself mrerably. 
To escape the Emperor’s displeasure, he rebelled at the instigation of the Rajputs and crowned 
himself Emperor on 1 January 1681. The attempt to seize the crown, however, failed and he 
fled to the Deccan taking refuge with Sharabhuji, the Maratha King. His six years’ stay in 
Maharashtra, however, proved ineffective, and devoid of all hope, the prince sailed to Persia 
in January 1687. The Shah of Persia welcomed him but declined to support him against his 
father. He died there about November 1704 and was buried at Mashhad. When Aurangzeb 
heard of the prince’s death, he exclaimed, “The greatest troubler of the peace of India is 
gone!” Sarkar , History of Aurangzib, I, 71 ; III, 52-3, 353, 359 ; IV, 284; Short History 
of Aurangzib , 16, 167-9, 274-5, 290-91 ; Studio s in Aurangzib' s Reign, 88-129 ; Anecdotes 
of Aurangzib, 12, 67 ; House of Shivaji, 179; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 294- 
7, 308-10.) 

4. Sambha or Sambhaji or Shambhuji, the elde .t son of Shivaji, was born on 14 May 1657. 
He grew a reckless youth “devoid of every spark of honour, patriotism or religious fervour”. 
Shivaji failed to reform him and put him in confinement. But he escaped and joined the 
Mughals in December 1678. He deserted the imperial service in December 1679 and returned 
to Panhala where he was again taken into captivity by his father. On hearing his father’s 
demise he over-powered the guards, made himself master of Panhala and mounted the throne 
on 20 July 1680 after imprisoning his younger brother Rajaram and his step mother Soyara Bai 
(put to death later on). The coronation ceremony was performed on 16 January 1681. He was 

$arkar-sarde$ai correspondence 


Persia.) This makes his stay in Maharastra too short and does not agree 
with Grant Duff or with the contemporary English records on which he 
relies. Khafi khan gives long accounts of Akbar’s doings at the courts of 
Sambha and the Shah of Persia but without dates. 

Moradpur, P. O., 

21 Dec. 1915. 

It is with a sudden shock of pain that I read your last letter this 
morning. To have lost such lovely child as Shrivatsa, 1 when he was 
entering on a youth of promise, must cause a grief to which words afford 
a vain consolation. I too have lost some of my young ones,— two of them 
a few months old and the third not more than three years, and from what 
my wife and I felt on the occasions and do feel even now, I can well 
imagine how very intense your grief must be. We males can plunge into 
work and momentarily forget our inner pangs. But such consolation is 
denied to women. An English poet has said, 

'‘Man’s love is of his life a thing apart ; 

‘Tis woman’s whole existence ; ” 

and the remark is as true of grief as it is of love. 

Such sudden deaths of the young and the healthy leave behind them 
a vain regret that possibly we did not try all that medical science could 
have done to avert it, and women are the last to be persuaded that it was 
not so indeed. 

I have talked with my wife of our intended visit to Bombay and 
Baroda next October and she had been looking forward to meeting your 
children there , but I shall miss one whom I knew. 


9 Aug. ]916 

Your Marathi Riyasat, new ed., vol 1., is the thing that deserves 
translation into English, after being reduced to one-half of its size by 

a dare-devil and even more daring than his father, but as a man and ruler he was completely 
unlike that personage. He was captured by the Mughab on 1 February 1689, paraded through 
the imperial camp and inhumanly tortured to death. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, IV, 252, 
270. 290, 477-80 , Short History of Aurangzib, 221, 271-2, 274, 284. 291, 293-5; Shivaji, 317, 
326-27, 330 ; Anecdotes of Aurangzib, 15-16; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 1,221, 
250-54. 293-4, 298, 312-6.) 

1. Srivatsa-lanchhan was the younger son of G. S. Sardesai. He was born in 1903. 
He was a voracious reader from his early childhood and died of low fever at the age of twelve 
in 1915. ( Sardesai Commemoration Volume , 295.) 


omitting Rajwade’s 1 fantastic etymologies and much of your reflections, 
and greatly compressing the early history of the Deacan and the general 
history of the Mughal empire, — which are admittedly mere compilations. 

The rest of the book is of first-rate historical value, and, 



The conversion of Mdan. [ Muhammadan ] Hijera years into English 
(Christian) years both in the Peshwas’ Diaries and Rajwade, is wrong by 
ten years throughout, i.e., the English date should be 10 years earlier. 
How to account for it ? 

Jail Road, 

• Darjiling, 


I am now convinced that the Shiva-Digvijaya is a modern forgery 
probably based upon some old materials. 

Benares City, 


For the reign of Shah Alam II.* especially the years of Mahadji 

1. The historian Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade was the son of Kashinath Rajwade and 
was born at Varsai in the Kolaba District on 12 July 1864. He matriculated in January 1882 and 
passed B.A. Final after 9 years. During this long period of college career, Rajwade read exten- 
sively and acquainted himself with various branches of knowledge, the study of which was, 
however, not necessary for the B.A. degree. His greatest ambition was to write the history of 
his country based on authentic records, and to achieve this, he travelled far and wide making, 
like an adventurous explorer, a house to house search for historical papers and documents. But 
he “lived and died a collector and could not compose a single history worthy of the name.” In 
1898 he published his first collection of historical letters and brought forth 21 volumes more 
which constitute his chief title to fame. In addition, he published six volumes of miscellaneous 
papers and six other historical works and regularly contributed papers in the Conference Report 
of the Poona Itihas Mandal and the annual Compte Rendu. ‘‘Rajwade was a penniless collector,*' 
says J. K. Sarkar, “but his actual performance, in spite of his severe handicaps of his poverty, 
temper and environment, was wonderful. He was our pioneer par excellence. He not only 
blazed the trail for us, but he was also the most daring, the most indefatigable, the most 
extensive and continuous digger in our historical ‘reams of gold’.” V. K. Rajwade breathed his 
last on 31 December 1925, (Sarkar, House of Shiva jt, 245-94, Sardesai, Main Currents of 
Maratha History, 38-41.) 

2 . Prince Ali Gauhar, entitled Shah Alaqj II., was the eldest son of Emperor Alamgir II. He 
was proclaimed a rebel in 1758 by his father who was a puppet in the hands of the all-powerful 
wazir, Imad-ul-mulk. He took to flight and was in Bihar at the time of his father’s death. The 
news reached the prince in December 1759 and he atonce proclaimed himself Emperor ; but he 
could not enter Delhi till 1772 when he was finally installed as Emperor by Mahadji Sindhia. 
He accepted the British protection in 1803 and died as a British pensioner in 1806. (Sarkar, 
FaU of the Mughal Empire, II, 161-70, 524-30, 533-55 ; III, 1, 287-91, 446-56; Buckland, 
Dictionary of Indian Biography , 385.) 



Sindhia’s 1 ascendancy at Delhi, we have full details in Khairuddin’s 
Ibratnamah which is now being copied for me at Bankipur. At a cost of 
more than Rs. 300/- I have secured copies of the references to Shivaji 
among the ms. records of the E. I. Co. in the India Office, London, and 
settled the chronology of his life. I shall very soon begin a biography 
of Shiva based on all the existing materials. 

Benares City, 

6 Aug. 1918. 

I have, after a full study of the Shivadigvijaya, come to the conclu- 
sion that it is a modern forgery, based upon certain Marathi work com- 
posed originally about 1780 or even 1810. 

Benares City, P. O., 

9 Sep. 1918. 

Have you been able to identify [Jesari] where Pratap Rao Gujar* 

1. Mahadji Sindhia, the son of Ranoji Sindhia, was born about the year 1727. He took part 
in the third battle of Panipat and received severe wounds which lamed him for life. A born 
leader of men, he had a rare genius for military matters. He was expert in war and diplomacy 
and won many brilliant victories. The disaster of Panipat had proved fatal for the Marathas, 
but his vigour, strong will and farsightedness again carried them to the zenith of their glory. 
In fact, his brilliant career started after the third battle of Panipat. In 1772 he restored to 
the throne of Delhi the Emperor Shah Alam II. who had been made to flee in May 1758 by the 
intrigues of Imad, the disloyal and all powerful wazir of Alamgir II. In March 1784 Shah Alam 
II. made him the Regent Plenipotentiary ( Wakil-i-mutlaq ) and his “regency opened a period of 
peace and comparative prosperity for Delhi City.” He, thus, re-established Maratha 
supremacy over the Mughal Empire. He spent most of his life fighting in the north and “the 
great dream of Mahadji’s life was”, says Malleson, ' to unite all the native powers of India in 
one great confederacy against the English. In this respect, he was the most far-fighted states- 
man that India has ever produced.’ He loved the company of poets, musicians and astrologers. 
He died in February 1794 in his camp near Poona- (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , II, 
351 ; III, 293-94; IV, 51, 70, Sardesai, Main Currents of Hnratha History , 153, 160, 161, 164, 
165 - 69 , 174, 175, 190, 202 , New History of the Marathas , II, 233, 294-96 , III, 86, 145-50, 232, 

2. Vide infra, Sarkar to Sardesai, 27-10-1928 

3. Kartoji Gujar was one of the distinguished generals of Shivaji. Afterwards he was 
made Commander-in.Chief and given the titles of Pratap Rao and Sar-i-Naubat of horse. He 
distinguished himself in numerous campaigns and in 1673 Shivaji rent him against the Bijapuri 
general, Bahlol Khan. He defeated the Khan at Umrani, 36 miles west of Bijapur city, but 
allowed him to escape. Shivaji cen-ured his Senapati for his negligence and wrote to him : 
“Bahlol has come again. Go with your army, destroy him and win a decisive victory. Otherwise, 
never show your face to me again I” Pratap Rao Gujar at once set out in search of Bahlol and 
accompanied by only six horsemen fell upon the Khan at Nesari “in a narrow passage between 
two hills” on 24 February 1674 and died fighting like a brave and daring soldier. His death 
was mourned by everyone. (Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 161 t Shivaji, 194*96 ; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas, I, 202-3.) 


was slain ? I have failed to find any such place near Panhala. 1 


7th July. 1919. 

I have left the Hindu University on account of factious 

opposition and unscrupulous tactics, which have thoroughly discredited 
the institution among educationists. In a week I shall join my post under 
Government, this time at Ravenshaw College, Cuttack,* 

When you have leisure, please point out in detail any mistakes of 
omission or commission that I may have made in using the Marathi mate- 
rials in my Shivaji. 

For the Bhonsla 3 raids into Bengal, consult : 

(i) Siyar-ul-mutaqerin, Eng. tr, 4vols. (reprint by Cambray & Co., 

1. The town of Panhala is 11 miles south-west of Kolhapur. Aurangzeb captured it in 
May 1707. (Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzib, 64 ) 

2. The town of Cuttack is situated at the bifurcation of the Mahanadi and Katjuri 
rivers in the State of Orissa. It was founded by a king of the long-haired or lion dynasty nearly 
900 years ago and has remained the seat of government since then. It has both military and 
commercial importance and is known for "its beautiful filigree work in gold and silver.” 
{Imperial Gazetteer of India , IV, 64-75.) 

3. Raghuji Bhosle was the founder of the principality of Nagpur. In 1741 he sent an 
expedition to Bengal under his able Prime Minister, Bhaskar Ram Kolhatkar. By the end of 
May 1742 that able lieutenant helped by Mir Habib, formerly in the service of the Nawab of 
Bengal, seized Orisi-a and brought the neighbourhood of Calcutta and Hughli in his possession. 
Meanwhile the crafty Peshwa offered armed help to Bmperor Muhammad Shah against the 
Bhosle in return for the Chauth of Malwa, Bundelkhand and Allahabad. The Emperor at once 
gave assent to his proposal and in March 1743 the Pe hwa proceeded to interview Alivardi Khan, 
the Nawab of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The latter agreed to pay 22 lakhs of rupees and annual 
Chauth of Bengal in return for Bhosle’s ex pul ion from Bengal. The Peshwa, thereupon, march- 
ed against Raghuji who had advanced from Nagpur to succour Bhaskar. They encountered 
near Pachet in the narrow path of Bendu but Raghuji escaped without suffering much loss. This 
domestic feud between the two Maratha generals greatly alarme i RajaShahu who brought about 
an amicable settlement between the two chiefs on 3i August 1743 by which the territory from 
Berar to the east right uo to Cuttack, Bengal and Lucknow was declared to be RaghujPs 
legitimate sphere of influence. Freed from the Peshwa’s interference Raghuji again sent his 
minister Bhaskar to invade Bengal. But Alivardi Khan the Nawab of Bengal* treacherously 
got him murdered along with 21 other generals on 30 March 1744. To exact full retribution for 
this wanton offence, Raghuji marched against Orissa in March 1745 and captured the city and 
fort of Cuttack. In June he exacted seven lakhs of revenue in the Bardwan district and about 
September 1745 reached the river Son after plundering and burning the environs of Fatua, 
Shaikhpura and many other villages. But in December he was defeated and he returned to 
Nagpur. At the end of the Year 1746 Raghuji sent his son, Jauoji, against the Nawab. Janoji 
supported by Mir Habib defeated the Nawab but met with a repulse soon after. At last, the 
Marathas and the Nawab made peace in 1751. Raghuji died on 14 February 1755 after a pro- 
longed ailment. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, I, 38-92 ; Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas , II, 176, 208-225.) 



(ii) Riyaz-us-salatin, Eng. tr. by Abdus Samad (Asiatic Soc. 
of Bengal.) [These are Stewart’s authorities.] 

(iii) Gladwin’s Narrative of Transactions in Bengal , (reprint by 
Bangabasi Press, Calcutta, Re 1-8 as.) Very short. 

(iv) Certain translations in Elliot & Dowson, Vol. VIII. 

In Bengali a contemporary poem of very great value, entitled (v[T^ 
3^1^) was published by the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad. V. G. Apte may 
give you a Marathi summary of it. It deals with Bhaskar Pandit’s 1 raid. 

(v) Hill’s Bengal in 1756-7 , 3 vols. Introduction only. 

(vi) English records. These can be consulted only in London, as 
the Calcutta Record Office is very poor with regard to the 
period 1756. Wilson’s extremely valuable Early Annals of the English 
in Bengal , 3 vols, is incomplete and does not come down to 1740. 

The Persian MS. sources in my possession are extremely brief, 
and in my present unsettled condition, I cannot work them for your use. 

[Name of place not given] 
11th July, 1919. 

Shahgad was named after Shahji Bhonsla. Its situation is vaguely 
indicated in the Persian histories. (Please read carefully my article on 
“ The Rise of Shahji Bhonsla ’ in the Modern Review , Sept, or Oct. 
1917.) The older Fort on whose ruins Shahgarh was built is called 
Bhimgarh 2 in the Persian MSS., which may easily be a slip of the pen for 
pemgir or Pern-gin. 3 Bhim is very often corrupted into Pem in Persian 
MSS. I am inclined to place Shahgarh not between Aurangabad and 
Ahmadnagar as you suggest, but somewhere in the Sahyadris. 4 

My maps have failed to help me in identifying this Shahgarh, and 
also Jadgiri and Jesari. 

The Government of India has formed a Historical MS. Records 
Commission, of which I am a member. It is a purely advisory body and 
will meet twice a year. We have decided to ask the three Maratha States 
to send to the Commission either a common representative or one repre- 
sentative from each in successive years by turns* It will be a distinct 
gain to History if you are sent as the “Native States member.” Your 

1. Ibid. 

2. Vide Sarkar to Sardesai, 19. 9* 1919. 

3. Pemgiri or Bhimgarh are the same. 

4. Sahyadris are the mountains in the Aurangabad District of the Bombay State* 


talents as a historian are so well appreciated at Indore 1 and Gwalior 1 , 
that if you only expressed your willingness to serve as the common 
representative of the 3 States, Scindhia and Holkar would gladly elect 
you, unless Kibe should desire to come. Please try to get elected to the 
Commission, as you will then be able to do a lot of service to the history 
of India in the 2nd half of the 18th century, which Parasnis 3 promised but 
has not been able to perform. The Gwalior and Indore Ms. letters for 
1780 to 1817 ought to be unearthed. We have so long had only Wellesley’s 
version of the affairs of 1799-1805. 


19 Sep. 1919. 

Fort Bhimgarh, which Shambha and Prince Akbar wanted to take 
about Oct. 1682, is situated in the Khanapur 4 subdivision of the Belgaum 
District, only a mile east of the Portuguese frontier. It overlooks the 
Kell 5 Ghat leading into Goa territory, 15°. 35N. 74°. 21E. 

1. The town of Indore was built on the left bank of the Katki river in Madhya Pradesh 
by Ahalya Bai after the death of the founder of the Indore State, Malhar Kao. ( Imperial 
Gazetteer of India , VII, 1-10.) 

2. The town of Gwalior which was the capital of the old Gwalior State is 65 miles 
south of Agra. It was a seat of Jain worship and among the Jain remains found there, Sas 
Bahu's temple is the most important. There are also ancient Hindu temples of which Teli Ka 
Mandir is well-known. The palace at Gwalior is the best example of the architecture of 
Hindu period. There is also a fortress. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, V, 234-36.) 

3. Dattatreya was the son of Balwant Parasnis and was born on 27 November 1870 in a 
poor Marath a Brahman family. Posressed of a strong literary aptitude, he read extensively 
and even edited a monthly magazine during hi* school days. Parasnis rushed into journalism 
rather too early and left shool even without matriculating. Soon afterwards he began editing 
historical periodicals like Maharashtra Kokil, Bharatvarshi and Itihasa Sangraha, He also 
worked under M. G. Ranade among the Peshwas’ Records and even published his selections in 
a number of volumes. His published works in English are : Mahableshwar (1916) ; Sangli 
State (1917) ; (Poona in Bygone Days (1921) ; the History of the Maratha People , 3 vols ; 
but his monumental works are in Marathi such as The Marathas in Bundhelkhand , the Life 
of the Rani of J hansi the Life of Baiza Bai of Gwalior, etc. He was also a collector of 
historical material and gathered extremely valuable papers, rare books and pictures. Parasnis 
got a chance to go to London with the Maharaja of Kolhapur at the time of the coronation 
of Edward VII. and he visited the India Office Library and other places making purchases of 
select books and manuscripts. The Historical Museum of Satara is the fruit of his persistent 
efforts and he has left a rich legacy for * unborn generations of students by saving the unique 
records from destruction and dispersion.” D B. Parasnis died on 31 March 1926. (Sarkar, 
House of Shivaji , 280-98 ; Sardesai, Main Currents of Maratha History, 41.) 

4. Khanapur town is 16 miles south of Belgaum in Bombay. (Imperial Gazetteer of 
India, VIII, 147.) 

5. Vide Sarkar to Sardesai# 19. 9. 1919. 




18 March, 1920 

I have heard about but not seen a single copy of the Mahratta and 
the Marathi vernacular papers which criticised my Shivaji. Can you 
send me by registered book post those issues of Mr. Kelkar’s English 
weekly which contain criticism of my work as well as the more valuable 
of the vernacular papers which wrote against me in the fulness of infor- 
mation ? I can leave out what was inspired by their ignorance and spite. 
Some place-names and personal names need correction, and I have already 
noted them from other sources. 


21 - 1 - 21 . 

Yes, I should like to possess the Peshwa Shakavli. For the Black 
Hole affair see Hill’s Bengal in 1756-57 (3 vols.) The documents quoted 
here as well as the Memoirs of the Frenchman Jean Law, conclusively 
prove that a number of Englishmen suffered death in the Black Hole, 
but they were put there after they had, as prisoners kept outside, abused 
their liberty by getting wine and beating the Indians ! (Hill.) Mr. H. 
Little has argued with great force that the number of Englishmen confined 
in the B. H. has been exaggerated, as there were not so many left alive 
after the capture of the fort, and the prison was only 18 feet square. 


20th July 1921. 

When I received your first letter giving the date of your departure 
for England, I was at Calcutta 

Enclosed are two letters 1 of introduction for you. Mr. Wm. Foster 
can be of greatest help to you in your studies. He is a perfect gentle- 
man and accurate .scholar. You will find Sir R. C. Temple’s address 
from Mr. Foster 

(i) Ravenshaw College. 


1* India, 

20th July. 1921. 

Dear Sir Richard, 

May I take the liberty of introducing to you Mr. G. S. Sardesai, B.A., of the Baroda 
State Service, at present tutor to the Gaik wad’s heir ? He is the best historian among the 
Marathas and has a singularly unbiassed and critical outlook. As a lifelong original 
investigator of the history of Western India, you will, I am sure, if your health permits it, 
take an interest in the study of the MS. records in the India Office Library and the British 
Museum which Mr. Sardesai has proposed to himself, and give him your valuable expert 

Sir R. C. Temple, Bart. 

Yours sincerely 
Jadunath Sarkar 



For the British period, you have not the time to go through the 
first-rate authorities or original sources, as they require 3 or 4 years of 
uninterrupted study and leisure. You should therefore work on secondary 
books, such as the volumes in the Rulers of India Series, Clive and 
Hastings in the Englishmen of Action Series, the introductions to Sidney 
Owen’s Selections from the Despatches of Wellington and Wellesley, 
Trotter’s History of India under Victoria, 2 vols, V. A. Smith’s Oxford 
History of India, Pt III (British Period), Lyall’s Rise <& Expansion of 
our Indian Dominion (new edition.), Inne’s Short History of the British 
in India (very good), T. R. E. Holmes’s History of the Indian Mutiny, & 
Moral <& Material Progress 1910-11 and the nine preceding years. 


22 - 10 - 21 . 

On my return here this morning from Dasahra tour, I have received 
your Third Peshwa which had been waiting for me. Thanks. The 
printing and get-up are unworthy of a work of first-rate importance like 
this, but I suppose the reason is the exorbitant cost of printing and paper 
now prevailing. 

(ii) Ravenshaw College, 



20th July, 1921. 

Dear Mr. Foster, 

I have very great pleasure in introducing to you my friend Mr. G. S. Sardesai, B. A. 
He was formerly Head Master of the Princes’ School, Baroda, and is now going to England as 
tutor to the Gaikwad’s heir, who is being educated at Eastbourne. 

Mr. Sardesai is the greatest living historian among the Marathas, but his writings 
being in vernacular are probably unknown to you. He wishes to devote his leisure to research 
in the India Office Library, especially among the Marathi MS. material, and I solicit your 
kind interest and help in his proposed work. 

So far as lean judge, the I. O. L. Catalogue of Marathi works can be corrected and 
amplified if the friendly advice of such an expert is utilised. Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis (of 
Satara) told me that when he was visiting the I. O.X. during the Diamond Jubilee or King 
Edward’s Coronation, the Marathi cataloguer consulted him with profit. Mr. Sardesai is a 
far more widely read and critical scholar. 

Mr. W. Foster, C. I. E., 

India Office. 

Yours truly 
Jadunath Sarkar 




6 Nov. 1921. 

You arc quite right in your view of the Khilafat question in 
Muhammadan India. The Sultan of Turkey was never recognised as the 
Khalif by any Muhammadan ruler of India, as every such ruler, according 
to the strict theory of Muhammadan Law, called himself the Khalif of the 
Age. In the Khutba or prayer for the sovereign, the Mughal emperors 
prayed for the Prophet and the first few Khalifs and then for the reigning 
sovereign of Delhi as the present-day Khalif, and never for the Sultan of 

See my History of Aurangzih, Vol. III. Ch. 29, p. 118 of the 2nd 
edition, and Studies in Mughal India, p. 310-311, for evidence in 
support of the above view. 

I have just brought out the first volume of Irvine’s Later Mughals, 

The second volume is in the press and will be out in February next. 
It ends with April 1738. 


4 Dec. 1922. 

Please read my life of Santaji Ghorpare 1 in this month’s Modern 
Review and suggest corrections, if any strike you. The next instalment 

1. Santaji Ghorpare came of the Ghorpare family of Kapshi in the Kolhapur State. 
Along with his father and two brothers he took service under Shi vaji, and probably served 
Sambhaji too though no records to this effect are known. I-Ie won credit in numerous campaigns 
and displayed remarkable capacity for action, leadership, talent and tact. He was an 
intrepid soldier, able general and very strict disciplinarian. “Shanta used to inflict severe 
punishment on his followers. For the slightest fault he would cause the offender to be 
trampled to death by an elephant." (Khafi Khan, quoted by Sarkar in his House of Shivaji, 
p. 216.) Naturally this made him very unpopular. In May 1693 (April 1695 according to 
G. S. Sardesai. New History of the Marathas » I, 336-37) he fell out with the Maratha King 
Raja Ram who in anger deprived him of the title of commander-in-chief and conferred it on 
Dhana Jadav Though Santaji defeated his rival general in May 1696 near Conjeeveram, his 
officers smarting under his severe and harsh behaviour deserted to Dhana Jadav who supported 
by these officers defeated him in March 1697. Santaji fled from the field and took shelter in 
Nagoji Mane’s hou-e. Nagoji’s wife whose brother Amrit Rao had been previously killed by 
Santaji sent her surviving brother to pursue him. The party of pursuers cut off his head in 
June 1697 while he was taking a bath near Shambhu Mahadev Hill in the Satara District. 
"His greatest monument is the abject fear he inspired in all ranks of the Mughal army, which 
is faithfully reflected in the curses and abuses invariatly used as epithets to his name in the 
Persian histories." (Sarkar, House of Shiva ji, 2l5-'^39 ; History of Aurangzib, V, 21, 126-27, 
198-99, 329-30 ; Short History of Aurangzib, 316, 318, 328-29 ; Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas, I, 254, 326-27, 333-38.) 



will be Zulfiqar Khan’s 1 siege of Rajaram 2 in Jinji. I have used the 
French records, among other material. 

Today received a copy of Raj wade’s edition of Jayram's Sanskrit 
Poem on Shahji from the Chitrasala press. Has it been presented to me 
in recognition of Rajwade’s against me ? As usual his introduction 

is ten times as long as the text he has edited. The Rig-Veda, Panini* and 

1. Itiqad Khan, surnamed Zulfiqar Khan, was the son of Aurangzeb’s minister, 
Asad Khan. In March 1689 the Emperor sent him against Raigarh which he captured on 
19 October 1689 (3 November 1689 according to G. S. Sardesui, Nav History of the Marathas , 
I, 322). In the fort he seized the wives, sons and daughters of Shambhuji and Rajaram and 

carried them off to the Emperor. Early in 1698 he took Jinji after a siege of about eight 
years and received the title of Nasrat Jang from the Empero . He cherished the hope of 
establishing himself as an independent sovereign in the Deccan, but was put to death on 
12 January 17)3 by the Sayyid Brothers, Abdullah and Husain. (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, 
IV, 483; Short History of Aurangzib, 296, 314-2-4; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 
319, 322, 326, 340, II, 11, 20, 3l.) 

2. Rajaram, the second son of Shivaji, was born on 24 February 1670. In April 1680, 
after the death of Shivaji, he was proclaimed King in place of his elder brother, Shambhuji, 
who had been put in confinement by his father, Shivaji, for acts of licentiousness and 
debauchery. In June, however, Shambhuji escaped, deposed and imprisoned Rajaram and 
his mother Soyara Bai (later put to death by order of Shambhuji) and made himself king. 
In February 1C89, a week after Shambhuji's capture by the Mughals, Rajaram was taken out 
of Raigarh, his place of confinement, and proclaimed king. On hearing this news, Aurangzeb 
sent Zulfiqar Khan to capture Raigarh as well as the Maratha king. The fort fell to the Mughals 
on 19 October 1689 (3 November D 89 according to Sardesai) and the wives, daughters and 
sons of Shambhuji and Rajaram were captured. Rajaram, however, had already escaped to 
Panhala in disguise on 5 April, and reached Jinji on 1 November 1689. The Emperor, therefore, 
despatched Zulfiqar to capture Jinji which fell in January 1698. Rajaram again contrived to 
escape from the fort and fled to Vishalgarh. "Thus the entire work of the Emperor's long 
siege of Jinji was undone. The bird had flown away." (Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib, 
324.) In October 1698 he made Satar a the seat of his government. But the Emperor laid 
siege to this fort too and a year later Rajaram had to leave for Singarh fort where he died on 
2 March 1700 at the age of 30. (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib , IV, 481; V, 135; Short History 
of Aurangzib, 271 - 72, 295-96, 304 - 13 330-31, 335; House of Shivaji, 222, 234, 242-43; 
Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 293, 3*9, 320, 340-44.) 

3. Panini, the famou' author of the most standard Sanskrit Grammar, belonged to a 
village called Salatura in the North-West Frontier Province. The date of the great Grammarian 
is uncertain. Most probably he flourished about fifth century B. C. "The grammar of Panini 
stands supreme among the grammars of the world, alike for its precision of statement, and for 
its thorough analysis of the roots of the language and of the formation principles of words." 
(William Wilson Hunter, The Indian Empire , 142 ; V. S. Agrawala, India as known to 
Panini , 9-10 ; R. K. Mukerji, Hindu Civilisation, 120, 121, 122,141; The Age of Imperial 
Unity , 268-69 ; The Vedic Age , 418, 424.) 



Ramdas 1 have all come into his preface ! ! ! 

You may send a copy of Molesworth’s Mar-Eng. Dictionary 2nd ed. 
for me by a friend, to the Congress at Gaya, where my friend Rajendra 
Prasad* will take charge of it and forward it to Patna ("which town I visit 
every month.) 


23 Jan. 1923. 

I am now at work on my 5th volume, but progress is greatly hampered 
by the pressure of college work and domestic distraction, as well as the 
abundance and bewildering variety of the materials. 

The Persian MSS. are taking an immense amount of time in working 
through, indexing and properly arranging, but the result is revolutionary 
to our hitherto-accepted history. 


18 Feb. 1923. 

I am now busy with the history of the Thana 3 district from 1688 to 
1704, as I have secured the letter book of Matabar Khan, 4 the thanadar 

1. Ram Das was a saint of great celebrity. Shivaji held him in great reverence and 
treated him as his guru. Besides being a religious preacl er he was a great nation-builder and 
his writings bear a testimony to the same. His most famous work is Desbodh . (Sardesai, 
New History of the Marathas, 1,29, 31, 221. 264-66. Main Currents of Maratha History, 

2. The first President of the Republic of India. 

3. The town of Thana is the head-quarters of the district of the same name in Bombay. 
It is 21 miles north-east of«Bombay. The fort and other remains here show that the city once 
enjoyed great prosperity which was at its zenith at the end of the thirteenth century. From 
the Muslims it passed into the hands of the Portuguese in 1533 and subsequently it was 
conquered by the British in 1774. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, XIII, 255 ) 

4. Matabar Khan descended from the Navaiyat clan of Arabs. In 1687 Aurangzeb 
appointed him the thanadar of the Nasik district and he held this appointment for about fifteen 
years. He acted with utmost sagacity and cleverness and captured many Maratha forts. An 
excellent administrator, he encouraged trade and agriculture and adorned the city of Kalyau 
with fine buildings and gardens. He built his wife’s mausoleum in Kalyan at a cost of one 
lakh of rupees. Aurangzeb had a very high opinion of his ability and success as the thanadar 
and created him a Commander of 2,500 (Zat and Swar ). He enjoyed this high honour for a 
pretty long time and died in February 1704. (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib , V, 145-46, 151, 
156-58, 449 ; Short History of Aurangzib , 305, 333-4/ Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , 
l, 320 .) 


of Nasik 1 and governor of Kalyan* during that period. 


5 April 1923. 

My fifth volume will absorb all my leisure and therefore I must 
spend May and June next at Darjiling, carrying as many books as I can 
with me there. I am very sorry to have to decline your hospitable 
invitation to your Ghat home. College work and domestic anxieties left 
me little time for research during 1922 and I must make up for the loss 
by working extra hard during 1923. 

Darjiling P.O., 

5 May ’23. 

My 5th volume will absorb all my time till July 1924, as the 
Later Mughals kept me busy in 1922. It is therefore impossible for me 
to edit and translate long Persian works or collection of letters for the 
Mandal, for at least the next 2 years, as I shall have to do the copying of 
Persian with my own hand and do the proof-reading myself, — the maulavis 
being absolutely careless and unreliable. 




I have recently studied critically and by comparison with the 
Persian MSS and English Factory Records, Chitnis’s History of Rajaram, 
and find it utterly worthless and misleading. 


25 June, 1923. 

I am now working on Marathi history for the years 1689-1699 A.D. 
(Rajaram’s reign) and have to differ much from your Riyasat, Vol. 1. 
new edition. Malhar Ramrao Chitnis has falsified Marathi history and 
Grant Duff has been his dupe. 

1 . See Gulsh&nabad. 

2* Kalyan is a famous town and railway junction in the Thana District of Bombay. It 
is situated 34 miles east of the Bombay city. 




20th Oct. 1925. 

Yes, we must spend a full month in Malwa next year, unearthing 
all the materials. 

My visit to Jodhpur 1 was disappointing ; the Raj has no ancient 
records, but some papers of the 18th century have been found in some 
old officers’ families. I urged them to push their inquiries on into these 

At Jaipur* I found the papers for 1712-1760 kept in a separate room 
with an Urdu hand-list, of which I am trying to get a copy. 


25 Nov. 1925. 

Mr. Rawlinson has asked me for an estimate of cost of 

getting the Persian historical records in the Land Alienation Office 
sorted and calendared by me in three months. I have replied to him, and 

added the suggestion that you should be invited as an 

experiment to examine and sort as much of the Modi records as you can 
in six months. You will be in a position to estimate, from the knowledge 
of the character of the rumals thus gained by you, in how many years 
the whole mass can be hurriedly examined & the truly historical papers 
separated and quickly catalogued by you and your assistants. My view 
is that 3 years would be quite enough for the Modi records, even though 
they number 30,000 rumals. Much of them is waste paper or mere 
accounts and formal letters with which the historian is not concerned. 
The residue of truly historical papers will form, after sifting, only 200 or 
300 rumals at the utmost. 

Moradpur P. O. 

3 Feb. 1926. 

I have a new house being built at Darjiling which will require my 
presence there for a few weeks. 

1* Jodhpur is a town in Rajasthan, It was the capital of the old Jodhpur or Marwar 
State, It is situated on the slope of a small hill with a wall nearly 6 miles surrounding it 
having 17 gates. It has a fort standing on an isolated hill 800 feet in height. The city was 
built by Rao Jodha in 1459 A D. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , VII, 246.) 

2. Jaipur is situated 149 miles due west of Agra in Rajasthan. It served as the capital 
of the old Jaipur State, and took its name from Sawai Jai Singh, The city was enclosed by a 
wall which had seven gates. It is known for its beauty, wealth and commerce and is now the 
capital of Rajasthan. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , VII, 64») 





20th June, 1926. 

What you write about the Bombay Universisy — at long last ! — 
undertaking to organise research in Maratha history, is very encouraging 
news indeed. But the whole plan turns upon their getting a truly 
expert and active scholar at the head of the department to drive the 
machinery. It is the man that is most essential, — not money, nor the 
frame work of an organisation existing on paper. When this element has 
been supplied, it will be immaterial whether the various historical 
societies and museums in the Western Presidency are federated or not. 
The true researcher will go to the material in whatever collection it may 
be. The University has money, and can give stipends to research students 
to work under you. That is the only way to success, so far as I can see. 

Tonga Road, 
Darjiling, P.O. 

3rd Oct. 1927. 

Arrived here on the 27th Sept, last and finished the fa? WTO-.. in the 
next four days, making an English marginal analysis of the Sanskrit text. 
The book is disappointing: it stops in 1661 and portions of it are undoub- 
tedly imaginary. But certain other parts (esp. about Shahji) are so 
natural and plausible that I am inclined to accept them if these points 
in them on which we possess parallel light from Persian sources are found 
correct on comparison with the latter, e.g., the wars of Nizam Shah and 
AdilShah. In fact the fa? WTO is of value (after a strictly critical 
sifting and comparison with other sources) only for Shahji and the youth 
of Shivaji, and no further. 

Certain passages are purely fictitious, and some (I suspect) are 
modern interpolations, — viz. Shivaji’s education and encyclopaedic 
knowledge, the details of hand to hand combats, &c Shahji’s overpowering 
love for Jija 1 and Shiva. 

The poem was professedly written (or dictated) by a Brahman 

1. Jijabai was the daughter of an eminent noble of Ahmadnagar, named Lakhji Yadav 
Rao who was the baron of Sindkhed. In November 1605 she was married to Shahji Bhosle to 
whom she bore two sans, Shambhuji and the great Shivaji, Her married life was not very 
happy. She was a pious and religious-minded lady and possessed a very noble character. She 
died in June 1674. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 15, 18 ( 19, 20, 21-22, 31, 211; Short History of Aurangzib , 
181; Sardesai, New History of the Maratha s, 1, 53, 61, 87, 88, 89, 213.) 



pilgrim at Benares, shortly after 1670. From what source could he have 
given correctly long lists of the captains ranged on the two sides in 
battles fought as long as the reign of Jahangir and the earlier years of 
Shah Jahan (Canto IV, verses 10-32, ix, v. 32-35, xii. 2-10, xiii. 8-12, 
xxv. 36-55) ? A poor Brahman scholar could not have burdened himself 
with histories of Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, the Mughal empire &c. during 
a long and perilous journey from the Deccan to Northern India, nor could 
he have burdened his memory with the names of ^f^Rs who fought 50 years 

ago ! Therefore, he must have made these lists from his imagination or 
recollection of more recent battles, — or the poem was composed in 
Tanjore 1 in the late 18th century when the Persian histories of the above 
Muhammadan dynasties were all available. It is not a contemporary 
record even in the narrative portion. 

But after all has been said against it, certain passages appear to me 
as true-seeming, and I shall cautiously use them in rewriting the history 
of Shahji and young Shivaji. 


2nd Jan. 1928. 

I am delighted to receive your post-card giving the happy news of 
the Kota find. The publication of the material requires the effort of us 
two, not only by reason of our knowledge of the period, but also because 
we alone care for the thing and know how to push it through. We are 
both old, and must run a race with Time if the work is to be done at all. 

9 Tonga Road, 
27th Oct, 1928. 

The rewriting of Shivaji is progressing rapidly, and, I hope, satis- 
factorily. I have (1) totally rejected Chitnis, Shiva digvijaya, Shedgaonkar, 
Tanjore shilalekh and Duff, and made a cautious, critical and selective 
use (to a fairly large extent) of the middle 18th century group of 
authorities, represented by Malkare and the 91 qalmi bakhars (or their 

1, Tanjore or Tanjavur is the head-quarters of the Tanjore District of Madras. It served 
as the last capital of the Chola kings and became the seat of the government of the state of 
Tanjore under the Maratha chiefs from 1675-1882 when it passed into the British hands. 
Tanjore always remained a political, literary and religious centre in the south. There are 
the great pagoda, Nandi, Subramanya temple and the other temples and also a fort. The city 
is known for its jewellery, silk carpets and other artistic manufactures, (j Imperial Gazetteer 
of India, XIII, 196.) 



Persian translation) as well as ftlcf rejecting palpable errors in them. 
I am now favourably inclined towards *Tr*<J ; and though certain parts 
of it are untrustworthy and later interpolations, there is much in it 
which is genuine and not a modern fabrication. 

Where is Prabhavali 1 for Prabhavanvalli) ? In the map of 
it is placed s.w, of Khelna 2 which is too far from Dabhol. 3 

But in the Persian farmans which you had sent to me at Benares, 
Dabhol is connected with Prabhavalli. Is P. an alias for a better known 
town, a sea port ? 

Your family was connected with Sangameshwar 4 , and therefore 
Prabhavalli must be close to Sangameshwar and not s.w. of Khelna. 

Or, its the Dalvepur (Dabhol) of ftR Wei & Tedhe— which Shivaji 
took in Feb. 1661, — not the famous seaport Dabhol, but a smaller and 
inland place, named Dabhol which I find 10 miles west of Mahad ? 5 

As for ^1:3^ of Shiva Bharat , I cannot identify it (like Divekar) 
with Pali 6 east of Nagothna 7 but have reasons to place it furthur south 
at Palavna, 17.55° N. 73.12° E, 8 miles south of Mandangarh, which is 20 

1. “Prabhavali or Pravanvalli is just below Vishalgarh to the s.w. In old records Dabhol 
and Prabhavali are coupled together, though the two towns are far apart.” (Sarkar, Shivaji . 

Also see Sarkar *s letter dated /7. 10. 28. 

2. Khelna also known as Vishalgarh is 38 miles north-west of Kolhapur and 13 miles 
west of Malkapur in Bombay State. (Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 191.) 

3. The town and port of Dabhol are situated in the Ratnagiri District of Bombay. It 
was th i seat of a province of the Bijapur kingdom and carried on a brisk trade with Iran and 
the Red Sea ports during fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It has beautiful mos- 
ques. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, VI, 76-77.) 

4. Sangameshwar is situated 23 miles north-east of Ratnagiri town and 10 miles north- 
west of Devrukh in the Ratnagiri District of Bombay. It was the head-quarters of SaDgamesh- 
war Taluqa and a holy city. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India, XII, 216 ; Sarkar, Shivaji , 84*) 

5. The town of Mahad is 15 miles south of Mangaon and 34 miles east of Bankot in the 
Kolaba District, Bombay. It is the chief town Of the sub-division of Mahad. (Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, IX, 153-54.) 

6. The village of Pali is situated east of Nagothna and 25 miles north of Raigarh. It 
was renamed as Padshahpur when Prince Akbar after his flight to Sambhaji bagan to reside 
there. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 296.) 

7. The town of Nagothna is 24 miles from the mouth of the river Amba in the Pen sub- 
division of Kolaba District, Bombay. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , X, 161.) 


miles west of Poladpur,— -or probably Palgad 8 m.n. of Khed 1 2 in the 
Ratnagiri* district. 

The place of Pratap Rao’s death was probably near Kolhapur 3 4 and 
not the Nesari* near Belgaum 5 to which I referred in my last letter. 
Please make a search for it near Kolhapur & the Panhala district 
generally, it was a "narrow place between 2 hills.” 

9, Badur Bagan Row, 

22nd Jany., 1929. 

I have plunged into Shambhuji, i.e., the rewriting of the 4th Vol. of 
my Aurangzib. The Jaipur records copied for me since 1924 and 
Pissurlencar’s second volume (received this month), as well as Jedhe and 
certain papers received from England after the 4th volume was printed 
(1919), are leading to revolutionary changes in my history of the reign of 
Shambhuji. Chitnis, Vol. 2, will have to be thrown entirely over board. 
It is astonishing how this writer has misled historians for a century. 

16th March 1930. 

I have received the Purandare Daftar, Vol. 2, here at Darjiling. 
The historical information supplied is extremely meagre and unimportant. 

statement in large type directed against me is a piece of 

dishonest misrepresentation, characteristic of an infernal liar like him. 
I have said that I have used all the Maratha materials on Shivaji available. 
Now, the only materials available are the printed ones, which are all in 

1. Khed is situated on the river Jugbudi in the Ratnagiri District of Bombay. It is the 
head-quarters of the sub-division of Khed. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, VIII, 185-86.) 

2. Ratnagiri is a town in the District of the same name in Konkan in Bombay State, 
situated 136 miles south-east of Bombay. Open to the sea and standing on a rock the place 
is known for sardine fishery. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , XII, 21 3.) 

3. Kolhapur was the capital of the old Kolhapur State and it is 76 mites south of Satara. 
Many relics of the Hindu and Buddhist temples are found here. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , 
VIII, 285.) 

4. The town of Nasari or Nesri lies on the north bank of the river Prabhaghata, at a 
distance of 45 miles south of Kolhapur, and 15 miles south-west of Belgaum. It has been 
misread as Jesari. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 196.) 

5. The town of Belgaum is 100 miles north-east of Goa. It is built on a rock at a height 
of 2,500 feet and is the head-quarters of the Belgaum District of Bombay State. It was captured 
by the British in 1818 from the Peshwa. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , Vol. II# 238 J 


Balbodh and therefore can be read by me. In addition, the Modi 
Shakavali preserved in ms. in the Library of the Bombay Branch of the 
R. A. S. has been transcribed in Balbodh for me and used by me. No 
material, besides these, known to refer to Shivaji exists in ms. in Modi. 
I reject the nibadpatras, mazharnamas and worthless private documents 
of that kind of which thousands have been printed and many thousands 
more are lying in ms. in Modi. My claim is therefore true to the letter, 

while is making a lying suggestion that historical papers relating 

to Shivaji are definitely known to exist in unprinted Modi. If so, where 
are they ? My ignorance of Modi does not handicap me in the least, in 
view of the known condition and extent of Shivaji sources. 



22 - 4 - 30 . 

The report of the Council interpellations is returned to you under 
another cover. It is clear from some of the questions that you talk too 
much in a frank-hearted and open way about your own affairs and 
intentions, and those to whom you talk, as is the characteristic of our 
nation report your talk to your enemies (often without meaning any 
mischief, but out of an uncontrollable Asiatic habit.) You have now 
conclusive evidence of the base & vulgar character of the men who are 
raging like mad dogs out of jealousy at your fame, success (while drawing 
not a pice from the pension earned by a life’s service) and opportunities 
of winning an undying name as the only historical explorer and revealer 
of the Peshwas daftar-sr-which will cause Rajwade and Parasnis to be 
entirely forgotton by future historical workers. Therefore, friendliness 
or even common civility to such infernal swine should be carefully 
avoided in future, as I do in the case of the corrupt gang in Calcutta. 
No literary assistance is deserved at our hands by these wretches, nor by 
their friends and frequenters of their society. 

You have now seen in his true colours ? 

With his elementary knowledge of the Marathi language and scanty 
collection of Marathi printed letters, he has presumed to run down your 

Main Currents, and why ? Is it to curry the favour of the gang ? 

His ludicrous mistranslations from Marathi and Portuguese, if made 
known to the general public of Bombay would add to the mirth of the 
scholarly world. 



9 Tonga Road, 

8th May 1930. 

The most urgent work in connection with the Satara Museum is the 
copying out in Balbodh of all the despatches, news-letters and diaries 
relating to Mahadji Sindhia and earlier times from the Menvali daftar 
not already published by Parasnis. This work will not take more than 
two months’ full time of a clerk on Rs. 60 a month. The unprinted 
transcripts made by Parasnis and the new ones proposed above may be 
immediately edited, dated and corrected by you in your Kamshet house, 
on the same lines as you are following in respect of the real State papers 
of the Puna daftar, — but as a private undertaking. I am prepared to 
send you Rs. 120 for this purpose as my contribution. But please do 
not mention my name nor the above proposal about copying the Menvali 
daftar to any one at Puna 1 or Bombay. Your supposed friends talk too 
much and do too little work ; many are jealous and secretly hostile. 

I am specially anxious to get all the remaining Mahadji and pre- 
Panipat letters of the Menvali daftar at once copied in Balbodh so that I 
may use them, without having to wait ten years on the off chance of their 
being printed. 


6th July, 1930. 

I am sure you have not delayed in sorting and copying the really 
important historical papers of the “Chitnisi" type found among these 505 
rumals. It would be a prudent course to do so now. 

When 1 visit Puna next I shall explore the Persian rumals dis- 
covered by you in this group.... 

I am firmly persuaded that your Baji Rao II Volume will fall far 
short of completipn and accuracy if you do not work among the English 
printed sources such as I have here. 

12/1 Duff Street 

18th Aug. 1930. 

Reed, your sketch plan. I entirely approve of it ; indeed we had 
come to similar decision in our mutual discussions on 1st June last. 

1. Poona is situated on the right bank o £ the Muta river, 119 miles south of Bombay. 
It has a military station to its north and there is also J. S. W. of the N. D. A. at Kharakwasla 
near it. The city has played an important part in history during the Maratha period. 
{Imperial Gazetteer of India, XI, 210*14.) 



12th Oct. 1930. 

From my engagements, as detailed overleaf, you will see that I cannot 
leave for Bombay before Christmas, — as, in addition to these I must finish 
writing 115 pages (in print) of 4^0 words each of the Cambridge History 
of India, Vol. 4, before 31st Dec. next, besides preparing two long 
Convocation addresses immediately. 


15-17 Oct. 
22 Nov. 

24 Nov. 

24 Nov. 

1 Dec. 

2-4 Dec. 
22-23 Dec. 

Examine Dacca M. A. papers. 

Deliver University Convocation address at Allahabad. 
Deliver University Convocation address at Patna. 
Marriage of daughter at Calcutta. 

Attend opening of the new-Bengal Council Chamber in 

Attend session of the Bengal Legislative Council. 

Attend session of the Records Commission at Patna. 


5 Nov. 1930 

I shall attend the session of the Comn at Patna on the 22nd <& 23rd 
Dec. next, and spend Dec. 25-28 at Agra, after which I can join you in a 
tour of the Southern Maratha country, — followed by visits to Paithan, 1 2 3 * * 
Daulatabad* and Assaye, 8 but I must be back in Calcutta by the end of 
January 1931. 

1. Paithan is a town in Aurangabad District of the Bombay State, 30 miles south of 
the Aurangabad town. Having served as the capital of the Satkarni Dynasty during 130 B. C. 
to 180 A. D. it is one of the oldest towns of the Deccan and contains many Hindu temples, 
( Imperial Gazetteer of India, X, 530 ) 

2. The historic town of Daulatabad where Muhammad Tughlaq tried to shift his 
capital had its original name as Deogarh. It is 7 miles north-west of Aurangabad in the 
Bombay State. The fort there, known as Deogiri, stands on an isolated hill which is about 
600 feet in height out of which the fort is partially carved. It was for the first time that 
the Muslims appeared in the Deccan in 1294 under Ala-ud-din Khalji and captured this fort 
and town. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , IV, 158-60.) 

3. Assaye is a village situated 43 miles north-east of Aurangabad. It was the scene of 

a battle in September 1803 between Sir Arthur Wellesley and Marathas under Daulat Rao 

Sindhia and Raghuji Bhosle. 


18 B, Mohanlal Street 

1 March, 1931. 

What you say about the contents of the unpublished 1st vol. (letters 
1-151) fills me with anxiety. Is young Amrit Rao Parasnis 1 trying to play 
the game of getting more money out of the Gwalior Darbar as the price of 
yielding these documents up ? If so, he deserves no sympathy or help 
from us in his distress. I should even advise Khase Sahib rather to leave 
vol 1 unpublished for ever than give any more money to such a designing 
money-loving plotter. The Chief of Sangli 2 might also be inclined, in 
such a case, to come down for the repayment of his undischarged loans. 

Khase Sahib is planning to hold a conference early next month for 
the union of the Rajputs and the Maratha nobles. The idea is a noble one 
and no higher task can be set before Indian patriotism than to achieve 
this end. But the way is long and the obstacles (due to age-old prejudice 
and historical ignorance) many.... I shall, however, comply with his second 
request, viz. to send him a signed article proving the affinity between 
these two warrior castes in the recorded past of our country. The article 
may be read at the conference, or better still a Hindi translation of it may 
be circulated widely as a pamphlet. 

9 Tonga Road, 

2nd April 1931 

Enclosed are (1) the banner of the Mughal Emperors and (2) Akbar’s 
Tomb for your School History. As for the insignia of the M. Emperors, 
the Mahi muratib will not do, as it was sometimes granted to nobles. The 

1. Amrit Parasnis was the eldest son of Dattatreya B. Farasnis of Satara. Dattatreya 
was overburdened by debt and on his appeal he was granted an allowance of Rs. 300/-/- per 
mensem by the Bombay Government in consideration of hi> promise to hand over all his 
collections of historical manuscripts, books, papers and articles, etc. for the public use. 
After the death of Dattatreya, Amrit D Pa rami 3 pleaded that the G}vernment had no right 
to keep any of hi 3 father’s collection in the Satara Mo^euai unless the family was granted a 
perpetual pension of Rs. 500/-/- per mensem. The Bombay Government granted a hereditary 
pension of Rs. 200/-/- per mensem. Wail it awaiting of this pecuniary help from the 
Government Amrit bungled the affairs to the advantage of the family and did not hand over 
the entire collection of his father. (Sarkar, House of Shivaji , 292-94.) 

2. The town of Sangli is situated on the river Krishna, 25 miles north-east of Kolhapur. 
It was the chief town of the old state of Sangli which comprised of six separate divisions. 
The last chief of the state was from the Patwardhan family of the Marathas. {Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, XII. 218-19.) 



imperial army often carried two horse-tails hanging from a cross-bar 
(this being borrowed from their Turkish ancestors of Central Asia), 
which was not distinctive of the Indian Mughals. I have thought over 
the matter of your frontispiece, and rejected Sanchi 1 , Rani Sipri’s Tomb 2 
(Ahmadabad), the Taj Mahal, Diwan-i-Am 3 (Agra) and similar alternatives. 

9, Tonga Road, 

9th May, 1931. 

I have sent back the Hyderabad professor’s letter to you with a list 
of corrections of your School History. Have you received them ? The 
letter contains mere words, through which his desire to humour you is 
manifest, but it does not mean business nor the spirit of a true research 
scholar silently working in spite of difficulties, such as Qanungo is. 

Khare 4 , Vol 14. for which you have advanced Rs. 4/- on my behalf, has 
been received and delighted me immensely. I spent two days in reading 

1. The village of Sanchi is situated on the left bank of the Betwa, 5£ miles south-west 
of Bhilsa in Madhya Pradesh. It is known for the Buddhist remains, e. g. Stupas Vikaras, 
etc. {Imperial Gazetteer of India, XU, 194-95.) 

2. The tomb was erected in 1505 A D. There is a mo que attached to the mausoleum 
and is a "work of goldsmith-like delicacy.” (Percy Brown, Indian Architecture (The Islamic 
Period), 57-58, 61.) 

3. Diwan-i-Am (Agra) was formerly built by Akbar in rand-'tone and was replaced in 
1627 by Emperor Shah Jahan when the architectural style had reached at its height. 

4. Vasudev Vaman Shastri Khare is ben known to the students of hiitory as a 
histo 1 ian and to the Maharashtrians as a poet and dramati t. He was born on 5 August 1858 
in a poor but learned Brahman family of village Ghughar in Ratnagiri district of Bombay 
State. Learning Sanskrit in orthodox Hindu way and earning subsistence for his family by 
writing for Marathi newspapers Khare led a very hard life after the death of his father. He 

got employment as a Sanskrit teacher at Miraj High School with the help of Lokmanya 
Balgangadhar Tilak who had been deeply impressed by Khare’s zeal for scholarly pursuits. 
Khare’s employment at Miraj opened a new vista in the Maratha History. Here be found with 
the family of Patwardhan Sardars bundles of papers relating to the later half of the eighteenth 
century. He scrutinised these papers and selected useful material from State papers, 
despatches, reports, printed letters and accounts, eto. The selections so made were published 
in a monthly magazine named Aitihrsik Lakh Szngrahx, Later on this matter was published 
in a book form. From 1897 to 1924 he was able to bring out 12 volumes covering the period 
right up to 1800 A. D. His son Yashwant later published two more volumes and brought the 
record up to July 1804. 

Khare died in June 192 *. A year before his death he was elected President of “The 
Poona Itihas Mandal” and a building was raised in his memory at Miraj, the place of his 
activities. (Sarkar, House of Shiva ji, 272-79.) 


and annotating it (from English state papers.) It gives just the information 
about Assaye that I was sighing for these many years. I must pay 62 as 
to Khare’s son for the postage, and repay your Rs. 4 / 


24th May, 1931. 

I entirely approve of your plan with regard to the Residency Records, - 
my only suggestion being that all letters (or news-reports) relating to a 
particular centre such as ( 1 ) the Delhi imperial Court & family, 

(2) Ranjit Singh, 

(3) the dynasty of Kabul, 

(4) the Gaekwad, &c, 

even when they extend over two or three years, should be placed in one 
packet (in chronological sequence), forming a clearly marked section, each 
by itself, — and not lumped together into bound volumes separated solely 
by years. 

Hill’s “Home Mis. Catalogue ” is considered as the model of how this 
work is being done by scholars in England, — who have discarded the old 
mechanical arrangement (according to the dates of receipt, without sub- 
division into subjects) which the offices in British India have been follow- 
ing for the last hundred years or more, in oblivion of the change in methods 
of research in Europe. Correspondence for current official use is one 
thing, while archives or records for historical purposes belong to a 
different class and require a different method of handling. 

* * * 

Don’t you ever propose to Government to take any research assistant 
or pupil from the Universities or the Native States. You cannot imagine 
the hard work involved in giving a preliminary training to these raw youths. 
It is like breaking a wild horse. Moreover, University candidates are not 
genuine seekers after historical knowledge ; their sole aim is to get a 

*■ * * 

It would be great mistake for you to print your Baji Rao II Volume 
without reading and deeply meditating over Munro’s letters on Indian 
society and politics. 


14th June, 1931. 

I am glad that you gave me timely notice of the danger of sudden 
stoppage that is threatening the work in the Peshwas’ Daftar. Today I 
have posted a letter to Mr. Hudson on the subject, copy enclosed (which 



need not be returned.) I shall go to Bombay immediately from Calcutta as 
soon as our Council (which opens on 20th July next, like the Bombay 
Council) is over, which will be at the end of July. 

Don’t worry yourself about the English records of the Residency 
Series. They have been mostly typed and can be arranged and edited at 
any time by a man at a distance, though the originals may have to be 
consulted now and then for correction of copyist’s errors. This work can 
wait. Moreover, there are duplicates (or originals) of many of these 
despatches in the Imperial Record office, Calcutta, as I know from the 
copies that I have taken at a cost of Rs. 370/-. 

But the Marathi records in the confused wilderness of the Peshwas’ 
Daftar stand on a different footing altogether. It would be a public 
calamity if the work of exploring and sorting them is cut short now that 
the end of the task is almost in sight. When time has taken you away, 
the work cannot be properly done, even if Government resumes it after 
4 or 5 years in a season of financial ease. 


1st July, 1931. 

Mr. Hudson will soon issue orders for sending one set of your 
Selection to Sir Edward Gait in London. Please see that only the soon- 
to-be-issued bound volume is sent and not loose parts, as Englishmen 
(unlike Frenchmen and Portuguese) care to handle only bound books 

and dislike brochures in paper cover Please rewrite the whole thing, 

incorporating your recent researches by correcting or amplifying facts 
and character sketches, particularly about Mahadji Sindhia (in the light 
of Parasnis’s 4 volumes.) The main point is to be lucid and concise at the 
same time. Useless and obsolete passages in your first edition should be 
ruthlessly cut out, and where possible the old writing should be condensed, 
in order to make room for the highly valuable and hitherto unknown new 
facts that you have now mastered. The mere insertion of your short 
introduction will not exactly fit into the texture of your book. You may 
even increase its size by 50 pages. 


3rd July. 1931. 

I received your alarming news yesterday eveing. But by the post 
which left at noon that day I had already written to the Commissioner, 
C. D., asking him to move Govt, and get its sanction for my raising public 

Sarkar-sardesai correspondence 

15 $ 

subscriptions to meet the cost of research in the Peshwas’ Daftar during 
1932-33, — for that was the year during which Mr. Hudson said it would 
he impossible to make a budget grant. 

9, Tonga Road, 

14 Aug. 1931. 

I see no prospect of civil commotion abating in future ; on the 
contrary public opinion in England and among Europeans in India has 
been roused to such bitterness that the Swarajists will soon have to test 
their strength against Britishers plus Muslims. The Hindus are so divided 
and so foolishly selfish that their majority does not count in actual 
politics. The atmosphere can clear only after a thunderstorm — after 
showers of blood. 

# * * 

Plepo- keep our tour programme next winter strictly secret, or better 
still, mislead the rascals by carelessly saying that you would accompany 
me next December on a tour to Panipat, Delhi and Lahore — i.e., the exact 
opposite direction. You talk too freely and too unsuspiciously, while 
you are surrounded by men who, when not rogues, are fools, and proclaim 
your plans and words to the Puna circle the very next evening, either out 
of maliciousness or a simple desire to display their own knowledge of your 
secrets. Our Maval 1 tour of 1930 was preceded by hostile printed hand 

bills signed by one of his tools, only because you had beaten the 

drum in advance in Puna. This time never mention Tanjore to any one 
there, or if you have done so, say that I am unable to go and that you 
have abandoned the Tanjore project for my new programme of a tour in 
N. W. India. 

I shall reach Puna about the 17th of December next and give you a 
month and a half of my society. We ought to visit the S. Maratha 
country, then quickly go through Mysore and take Haidarabad on our 
way back. 

1. Maval or Mawal is a sub-division of the Poona District, Bombay, with its head- 
quarters at Khardkala 30 miles north-west of Poona. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, 




3rd Nov. 1931. 

There is another correction necessary in Part 20, “The Bhonsles 1 2 3 of 
Nagpur.”* The correct date of letter No. 49 is 2-12-1746 and not 
21-2-1747 ? 

This letter is identical in its contents with letter No. 29 (wrongly 
dated 17-12-42, should be 8-12-46.) The latter adds the information that 
Mir Jafar 8 had marched to Medinipur 4 side and fought Mir Habib 5 * * once or 
twice. We know from the English Factory Records (ms.), Bengal letter 
to England dated 30-11-1746, "A body of Marathas have continued at 
Midnapur..., under Mir Habib. ..Mir Jafar is now on his march with an 
army to dislodge them.” Another letter (d. 22 Feb. 1747) says that Mir 

Jafar decisively routed the Marathas near Midnapur about 12th Dec. 1746. 

* * # 

P. S. Veniram should be everywhere changed into Janakiram (as in 
Balbodh ) 

Darjiling P. O., 

15 Nov. 1931 

I shall be free to travel from 15 Dec. to 20 Jan. next, and it is impor- 
tant for me to know as early as possible whether you can accompany me 
during that period in that visit to Tanjore for which you have often urged 

1. The founder of the principality of Nagpur wa^> Raghuji Bhosle who died in March 
1755. Raghuji III was the last ruler and the Doctrine of Lapse was extended to the State on 
his death in 1853. ( The Imperial Gazetteer of India, X, 166-68.) 

2. Nagpur is situated in the centre of the Nagpur District on a small stream. Nag. It 
was the capital of the old C. P. There are three finest tank^ “Jama Talao”, ‘‘Ambajhari 0 and 
“Teling Kheri” and the famous gardens, “Maharaj Bagh” and “Tulsi Bagh.” The great 
Nakarkhana-gate of the Bhosle palace and the tombs of the Bhosle kings in the Shukravati 
quarters are the important remains in the city. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , X, 174.) 

3. Mir Jafar was the Commander-in-Chief of Alivardi Khan, the Nawab of Bengal, Bihar 
and Orissa* He aspired to the Nawabship and, after Alivardi's death, began to conspire 
against his new master Siraj-ud-daulah whom he deceived at the battle of Plassey and became 
the Nawab in June 1757. He was deposed by the English in 1760 for intriguing against them, 
but was again reinstated in 1763. He died in 1765 and was buried at Murshidabad. (Buckland! 
Dictionary of Indian Biography, 292.) 

4. Medinipur or Midnapur is 68 miles west of Calcutta on the north bank of the Kasai in 
West Bengal. It is the head-quarters of the District of the same name and formed the local 
centre of silk industry and indigo. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, 443-44.) 

5. Mir Habib, an officer of Nawab Alivardi Khan, was captured by the Marathas during 

their incursion into Bengal in 1742. He at once transferred his allegiance to them and became 

their principal helpmate in invading Bengal. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, 1,45-6.) 



me. If we go to Tanjore, Hyderabad will be on our way and we can 
quietly break our journey there for 2 or 3 days. You also told me that 
the South Maratha country had not been combed for historical documents 
and should be visited by you. So, the whole scheme depends upon you 
being free from engagements in Desh during 20 Dec. - 15 Jan. If you 
cannot go, I need not visit Poona next month, though I am anxious to go 
leisurely through the Persian papers of the Chief of Phaltan 1 2 3 if you can 
induce the Diwan to put us up there for 3 or 4 days. 


25 Nov. 1931. 

I shall leave Patna in the night of 14th Dec. and reach Kalyan Jn. in 
the morning of the 16th (by the Calcutta mail via Jubbalpur*) and take 
the first train to Poona. If you secure permission in advance, I can 
start work in the A. O. on the 16th. From the 22nd Dec. to 6th or 7th 
Jan. we can go to Phaltan (& work there 3 days), Savantvadi,® (but not 
Mudhol 4 5 * * ) &c. and visit Ellora, 8 Assaye and Ajanta (for sight seeing.) 
Thereafter I shall go alone to Hyderabad and return via Bombay to Agra. 

Patna University, 
11th Dec. 1931. 

I am delivering my fifth lecture tonight and the sixth and last on 
Monday next, after which I shall leave for Gwalior, arriving there about 

1. Phaltan was a small state, now included in Bombay. Phaltan family of the state 
had its origin from the Rajputs. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, XI, 164-65J 

2. Jubbulpore is the head-quarters of the District of the same name and is situated 165 
miles north of Nagpur. It is a modern city surrounded with a number of lakes. The canton- 
ment there contains a big gun carriage factory. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India, VII, 36.) 

3. Savantvadi also known as Wari or Sundarwari (Beautiful Garden), is situated 47 miles 
west of Belgaum. It was founded by Phond Sawant in 1670 and remained the chief town of the 
old state of Savantvari in Bombay. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 239; Imperial Gazetteer of India , XIII, 

4 . Mudhol is a town in the old Mudhol state, 70 miles south-east of Kolhapur and 55 
miles north-east of Belgaum (Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, 528.) 

5. Ellora or Eluru or Verul is a village known for its famous rock cave temples and 
carvings. It is 7 miles north-west of Daulatabad and 13 miles north-west of Aurangabad in 
Bombay. There are enshrined the statues of the Hindu god? and goddesses, the Buddha, the 
Mahavira, etc. The Kailash temple is the most important of all the cave temples and is 

complete in all its parts. It9 beauty and singularity astonishes the tourists. It is also described 

by Furguson "as one of the most wonderful and interesting monuments of the architectural art 

in India. 1 ’ (Imperial Gazetteer of India, IV, 348-51.) 


9. 43 p. m. on Tuesday the 15th. If I can leave Gwalior at 4. 30. a. m. on 
the 18th, I shall reach Poona at 11. 35 a. m. on the 19th (Saturday.) 

18 B, Mohanlal Street, 
Shambazar P. O., 

4th Feb. 1932. 

And now the Legislative Council demands my daily attendance ; but 
I have finally made up my mind to resign my seat (nominated) at the end 
of the present Budget session. 

Yes, you may send me C. V. Vaidya’s Shivaji and I shall send back 
to you a list of the glaring mistakes in it with evidence (for incorporation 
in your review.) I find that the Shivacharitra Sahitya letters establish 
the importance of Shahji 1620-1627 as a landholder and commander 
in the Poona quarter and also throw light on Shivaji’s doings about 1646, 
but they are far from proving that Shahji was an amir wazir or supreme 
divisional commander before 1628, or that Shivaji’s doings in 1646 were 
those of a sovereign prince. There were hundreds of contemporary men 
of exactly the same status and power as Shahji was during 1620-1627 
(however great he may have made himself later), and Shivaji in 1646 was 
a mere rising rebel chieftain — not a Sovereign Rajah. These two facts 
are quite forgotten or muddled up with later history, by the Poona school. 
So, you see, my position remains unassailed in the eyes of sober historians 
outside. What was the value of the Poona Jagir (of which fragments 
only were held by Shahji or Shivaji in 1646) as compared with any 
principality ? Nothing. Every J agirdar was trying to extend his 
dominions by seizing neighbouring mahals during those times of unrest 
and dissolution of old monarchies, but none of them claimed to be a founder 
of Your Poona friends are reading the history of 1674 

backwards into the events of 1620-1627 and 1646. 

Since leaving you I have discovered a very old and neatly written 
ms. of Kasi Rao's original Persian narrative ( copied in 1784 f ! I ) and I 
am trying to get a transcript of it. But please keep the news strictly 
secret till I have secured the transcript. I shall then compare it with 
Brown’s translation and report my opinion to you. 



18 6, Mohanlal Street, 


I have made an English trans. of the contemporary Delhi Shakavali 
(Persian) from 1754-1766, and may send it to you. 


25 April 1932. 

I am now working hard at the actual writing of the History of the 
Fall of the Mughal Empire, after wasting the first three months of the 
present year in Calcutta and the first half of April in doing examination 
work for certain universities. Progress in actual composition is un- 
expectedly slow, because attention has to be paid to style and not every- 
thing that I know from the sources can be put in. I have finished (finally) 
1739-1748, and am composing the chapters for 1748-1754, of which the raw 
material had been worked through, translated and arranged as early as 
Nov. last. 

My little grandson, aged 10 months, — Abani’s son, dotes on me, and 
therefore has hitherto taken much of my day time ! ! ! 

* * * 

As for the battle of Shakarkheda 1 2 * * * * * if you turn to Irvine’s Later 
Mughals, vol. II, p. 143 and 144, you will find that the Maratha contingent 
bore the brunt of the first day’s fighting and it was no wonder that so many 
of their sardars fell ; on p. 149 is given the reason why they joined Baji Rao 8 

1. Sukharkheda or Shakarkheda is about 50 miles east of Aurangabad situated on the 
bank of the Purna in the District of Mekhar of Bombay State. (Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas, II, 81.) 

2. Baji Rao I was the son of Balaji Vishwanath, the first Peshwa and was born on 18 

August 1700. After his father’s death in April 1720 he became the Peshwa. He embarked 
upon Maratha imperialism and extended the Maratha dominions in all directions. He had a 

rare genius for military purposes and great capacity for leadership. He was an excellent 

administrator, great diplomat and statesman and perfect soldier. Since 1730 he had developed 
great infatuation for a dancing girl named Mastani and this love affair greatly undermined his 

reputation. He died on 28 April 1740. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , II, 27, 44, 

65, 66, 74, 78, 88, 95, 97, 99, 101, 102-4, 137, 139, 143-45, 150-60,164-68,178-83, Main Currents 

of Maratha History , 110. 114, 115, 116 ; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, I, 38.) 



and not Mubariz Khan. 1 2 

9 Tonga Road, 

8th May. 1932. 

Your long letter of the 2nd inst. has been anything but a bore to me. 

Indeed, it has been finest tonic to me for many years a 

I have not befen able to trace the petty Begs of Junnar, at least with 
the time at my disposal. Your other questions are all answered separately. 


19 June 1932. 

Give me the exact references to the various places where I can find 
the movements (with dates) of the Peshwas from 1734 to 1760. I wish to 
be sure of the dates of Baji Rao’s visit to the Rana of Udaipur*— (1734 or 
35 ?) Balaji Rao could not have visited the Emperor in Delhi in March- 
April 1748 (Select. 2, letter 9 merely reports the bazar gossip of a qasid.) 
The date was very likely different. 


9 July 1932. 

After three weeks of concentrated labour and distracting doubts, I 
have settled the Rajput — Maratha chronology for 1729-1761. Please 
answer the question raised in annexed list of corrections. 

1. Khwajah Muhammad (entitled Mubariz Khan) belonged to Balkh and had emigrated 
to India with his mother. He was appointed Bakhshi to Aurangzeb’s youngest son, Kam 
Bakhsh. Soon afterwards, he was given the post of faujdar of Sangamaer and granted the title 
of Amanat Khan. In 17 10 he was sent to the Government of Gujrat and in 1712 to Malwa 
where he got the title of Shahamat Khan. In 1713, he was again transferred to Gujrat but 
after two weeks he was appointed to the governorship of Hyderabad. He' held this office for 
nearly 12 years and the titles of Imad-ul-mulk, Mubariz Khan Bahadur, Hizbar Jang were 
conferred on him. He died at the height of his greatness at Shakarkheda in 1724 in a fight 
against the rebel wazir Nizam-ul-mulk Asaf Jah who laid the foundation of die Nizam 
Dynasty in Hyderabad (Deccan). (Irvine, Later Mughalst II. 138-48 ; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas , H, 74-75, 80, 81, 82 ) 

2. Udaipur is a famous town in Rajasthan. It was the capital of the old state of Mewar 
or Udaipur. It contains a palace built on the bank of a lake facing the wooded mountains 
which presents an extremely beautiful scene. N^aharana Udai Singh after losing Chitor to 
Akbar in 1568 repaired it. It was captured by Mughals in 1577 but Maharana Pratap took it 
back from them in 1586. In 1769 the Marathas be ieged the city under Mahadji Sindhia but 
did not conquer it. Besides the great palace the city is known for the other palaces Jagmandir, 
and Jagniwas, the temples of Jagannath and Eklingji, lakes and its cemetery known as 
Mahasatti, ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , XIII. 409-11 .) 



As for my suggested date for ii, 5 & 6, Kulkarni is quite right. My 
mistake arose from my conjecture that Mangrol 1 2 was a Maratha corruption 
for Bagru. The battle of Bagru is known to have been fought in 1748. 
Mangrol, I now find on my maps, was quite a different place, in the Kota* 
territory ; here another battle was fought in 1761. 

19tb July, 1932. 

Please let me know, when you have leisure to write, what is the 
exact shortage of funds for the work in the Peshwa Daftar this year and 
exactly what rumals will remain unexplored and what selections unedited 
if no more money is subscribed. I am thinking of appealing to the Patiala 
Darbar, because the founder of that dynasty, Rajah Ala Singh (Jat), 
figures in several of the documents referring to the Panjab c. 1748-1765 
(the last being the year of his death.) Patiala is keen on the history of 
his house ; of course, his idea of research being that he should be proved 
a pure Kshatriya or Rajput. Unless there is urgent need and a really 
valuable source will be tapped with the additional money, I am not 
inclined to appeal to Patiala or elsewhere. 

' * * * 

In the contemplated Deccan tour of December next, I shall be glad 
to visit the non-Brahman Jagat-guru. What pains me, however, is to eat 
the rice of poor people (like those whom we visited last December at 
Kutro &c.) without being able to give them anything in return. Professor 
Nilakanta Shastri, Madras University, may give you a typed copy of the 
report of his pupil who has explored the Matathi rumals in the Tanjore 
Library. Please call for it and judge for yourself whether we should 
visit Tanjore next December or not. 

The history of the Fall of the Mughal Empire is growing larger than 
my plan, as I am making detailed and critical investigation of each of its 
branches, and hence I am falling behind my programme in point of time. 
But the new light one gains is enthralling. 

1. Mangrol is a town 35 miles east of Kotah in Rajasthan. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal 
Empire, II, 508 ; Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, 317 ) 

2. Kota or Kotah was a chief’s state in Rajasthan with its capital of the same name. 
The territory of Kotah was an offshoot of the Bondi State. {Imperial Gazetteer of India, 
Vni, 303 - 305 .) 



22nd July, 1932. 

You need not be apologetic at all in writing to me on questions 
arising in connection with the work at the Peshwas’ Daftar, nor in seeking 
my literary aid in the matter of correction of drafts. The longer your 
letter, the greater is my pleasure in reading it, and any help I can give 
in finishing your Selections for the public eye is an honour to me. 

The draft preface to the Index has been entirely rewritten. You 
were quite right in disliking the original draft. You should get my draft 
typed and sent to Rawlinson for approval with the clear intimation that 
it is my writing, so that he may save himself needless trouble. The 
rejected draft is posted back to you under another cover. 

Send me the ms. of your Handbook and I shall promptly revise it. 
Why have I received not more than 4 pages in proof of Part 27 ? Leave 
orders to have future sheets sent to me regularly as received from the 

1. My Patna lectures cannot go into any detail about Raghuji 
Bhonsle’s quarrels with Balaji in Berar. The next three lectures (com- 
pleting the history of Maratha connection with Bengal & Orissa) will be 
soon presented to you in proof. 

2. You are quite right in your suggestions about the lines on which 
your Handbook should be compiled. 

3. I still differ from you and hold the view that it is not necesssary 
to work in the A. O. in order to prepare a Chronology. A library— with 
works in six or seven languages — like mine, is indispensably necessary for 
the purpose and your whole Bombay Presidency, does not contain a single 
full or even decent library of Indian history like mine. If you prepare a 
Chronology I can revise and supplement it from my non-Marathi sources 
of various kinds here. 

4. The Residency Records have all been typed. The work of 
selection of what is to be printed and of adding notes to them can be best 
done by me— if I am entrusted with the work, or a part of it,— in my 
library here, and my presence at the A. O. is absolutely unnecessary for 
the purpose, except to fill up the gaps by reference to the original in 
doubtful cases, which can be done in a week’s stay in Poona. If I am 
not trusted with one out of the 4 sets of the typed Res. Records, Govt, 
must go elsewhere for the work. 

5. I intend to spend a week about the middle of December next in 
Hyderabad and then the whole of January with you in touring. The 


question of appealing to the Southern States for money to finance the 
printing of the Residency Records may then be decided. At present 
do not risk the completion of your Marathi exploration by undertaking 
this fresh burden. 

6. As for young Parasnis, I entirely agree with you that unless he 
is threatened by Govt with a cut in his perpetual pension, he will not 
disgorge the illegally detained records. Furnish me with full details so 
that I may approach Govt on the subject. A personal visit from me to 
the Hon’ble Revenue Member would have been most effective, but it 
is impossible for me before Dec. next. 

I have resigned from the Legislative Council of Bengal. 


15th Sep. 1932. 

The name of the Portuguese officer was Colonel Jacques Filippe de 
Landreset and he was second in command of the Portuguese contingent 
sent to co-operate with the Peshwa’s forces, and never Governor of Goa. 

As far Part 14, letter 14, you now say that the date was 1st April 
1736. But Vaisakh Shudhi, Pratipad Soma vasar was in 1734, Tuesday 22 
April in 1735 Saturday, 12th April and in 1736 Thursday, 1st April. 

If afaqw means Monday, how can you give the year as 1736 or even 
as 1735 ? The only year that yields Monday is 1734. 

[ This is not clear . Ed. ] 

As far 1734, on Vaisakh Sudh Pratipad of that year, Malhar 1 2 and Holkar* 

1. This is obviously a slip of the pen. Sardesai in his own handwriting strikes off 
'Malhar' and adds the name of Ranoji to it. In fact Bundi at this time was be?ieged both by 
Malhar Rao Holkar hod Ranoji Sindhia. This place was captured by them on 12 April 1734. 
(Sardesai* New History of the Marathas, II, 146.) 

Ranoji Sindhia first obtained service under Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath and distinguished 
himself as a man of great ability. He served in many a campaign and assisted his patron, 
Malhar Rao Holkar and Baji Rao I in extending the Maratha supremacy over Malwa and 
Bundelkhand, He died in July 1745. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 11*47, 101, 
145, 151, 157, 2C0, 232-33; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , IV, 75.) 

2. Malhar Rao Holkar , the Maratha general, was a shepherd by caste. He began 
his career under Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath and after his death became a close associate of his 
son, Peshwa Baji Rao I. He led many an expedition and took part in numerous battles. He 
was an adept in guerrilla warfare and was the "ablest cavalry leader among the Marathas." 
(Sardesai, New History of the Marathas t II, 126, 145, 153, 157, 194, 201, 379, 385, 396-97, 
400-1,402, 411,412, 421,422,442,451,467,502,504, 505, 597; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal 
Empire . II, 155-59, 195-98, 228-29, 233-34, 248, 343-44, 365-67, 470-74; IV, 75.) 


were besieging Bundi 1 2 and not Merta.* There was a Solar eclipse the 
day before. 

* * * 

I had to write a long and strong note, as external examiner of a 
thesis on "Old Fort William and the Black Hole" by Bhaba, a pupil of 
Father Heras, and Father Heras wrote to me to put the candidate up to 
a higher class as a "personal favour to me” II! Of course, I gave him 
the reply that he deserved. If you are an examiner this year, please read 
my report (lodged with the Registrar.) If you are not, please inquire 
through your friends at the University, how my report was received by 
the full board and what mischief Heras has been trying to make. 


11 Nov. 1932. 

I propose to visit Poona (3 weeks), then the Kshatriya Jagatguru 
(as arranged by you), then Hyderabad (1 week including Ajanta and 
Assaye), then Bangalore and Tanjore, if you can manage to go to Tanjore. 
Otherwise I shall cut the last two places out and return to Poona from 


27th March, 1933. 

Your letter of the 19th instant clearly shows how very much fatigu- 
ed you are. It is not due to old age or physical weakness. It is, I believe, 
the natural reaction after four years’ strenuous exertion at the A. O., 
in the midst of every possible distraction and obstruction from malicious 
rivals and the ignorant credulous deluged public that feeds on newspapers. 
Your wonderful strength of purpose and ingrained habits of methodical 
work alone have enabled you to reach the completion of the task. And 
now you have to pay the price of it. 

1. Bundi is a. picturesque city only next to Udaipur in Rajasthan It is built on 
a steep bill and has uneven streets, enclosed by a- wall for its fortification with four main 
gates. The fort is situated at the summit of the ridge whose spur is surrounded by a very 
beautiful umbrella called Suraj. Bundi has also many temples and gardens which add to its 
beauty. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India, III, 139-60.) 

2. The town of Merta is 36 miles north-east of Jodhpur in Rajasthan. Surrounded by a 
wall, with its numerous temples, Merta has many stone pillars round about it commemorating 
the former battles. (Imptrial Gazttteer of India, IX, 415.) 



The intoxication of work, — especially a work on which one has set 
his heart, — makes us forgetful of everything else, — external disturbances, 
physical fatigue, even the sadness of bereavement. But when the work 
is finished and leisure is gained at last, then comes the lassitude of body 
and mind, exactly as the drunkard feels when the excitement of alcohol 
is over and he sinks into enervation of body and depression of mind. 

You are now going through this stage of reaction— mental, but 
happily not physical, and as a doctor [ Homeopath — Ed. ] I must advise 
you to take absolute rest for one month, amusing your mind by light 
^reading, especially English books, memoirs, travels, such as Forbe’s 
Oriental Memoirs, the Life of Munro, & c. 

* * * 

Writing a history that will live requires not only mere industry (a 
copyist’s industry) in collecting materials, but what is far higher, — exten- 
sive reading (not narrow specialised study), power of deep thinking and 
connecting together the near and the distant, things Indian and foreign 
(by way of comparative estimate and liberal interpretation), and a certain 

advance in age The true historian’s function is that of the stomach 

in digesting and extracting the vital juice from the raw food stuff passed 
down the throat That you alone can do, and even you can do now and 
not when you began your Riyasat in Baroda 27 years ago as a novice in 
this field with a limited horizon. 

♦ ♦ ♦ 

Let me show you the immense importance of the Persian ms. sources 
for Maratha doings in N. India, by some concrete instances. Besides the 
Life of Najib l , which I have translated in full and which you admit to be 
a first rate source on the entire Panipat campaign, I am now translating 
a Persian History of Alamgir II 2 (1757-59), 456 pages, which gives daily 

1. Najib Khan, later known as Najib-ud-daulah, belonged to the Umr Khail clan of the 
Afghans and had emigrated to India with his son. He began his career as a foot-soldier under 
Ali Muhammad Rohilla, and due to hh ability and skill he gradually rose to a very high 
position, that of the Dictator of the Mughal Empire. He had an inborn genius for military 
organisation and was considered the greatest general of his times except Ahmad Shah Abdali, 
his patron, with whose active support he had established himself as Regent of the Mughal 
Empire. His administrative talents were as great as his military genius. He maintained his 
position and power for a decade and died on 31 October 1770. (Sarkar .Fall of the Mughal 
Empire, II, 377-78, 3 82, 383. 384, 403, 404, 414-16 ; III, 23, 44-45 ; Sardesai, Now History of 
the Marathas , II, 364, 365, 396, 406, 418, 419, 420, 423, 429, 445, 504, 510.) 

2. Originally called Aziz-ud-din, the youngest son of the Emperor Muiz-ud-din Jahandar 
Shah and a grandson of Shah Alam I, was born at Multan on 6 June 1699. In 1754, Imad-ul- 
mulk, the selfish wazir, who had deposed the Emperor Ahmad Shah, released him and placed 
him on the throne as Alamgir II. He had been leading a life of poverty want and secliuion 


details of the marches and diplomacy of Raghunath Dada 1 and Malhar near 
Delhi in 1754-55, and later of their doings in N. India in 1756-7. 


26th May. 1933. 

I have just finished working through all the Persian and Marathi 
sources for 1754-1761, but not yet written a single line of my book. In the 
course of this study I have made many corrections of dates in Rajwade’s 
volumes and also in the Select. Pesh. Daftar, parts 2 and 27. It is too late 
now to insert the corrections in Part 27. 


15th July, 1933. 

I am doing well and progressing rather slowly through Delhi history 
during 1754-1761. 

* * *. 

The Peshwa Roz-nishi, published in Rajwade Vol 2, is a very 
modern compilation made after 1820. How can it be an authority for the 
events of 1728-60 ? Dighe is wrong in blindly following it. Rajwade's 

since the accesion of Farrukh Siyar in 1713. The circumstances luckily did not allow him to 
fall into a course of vice, and he had spent over 40 years of his retired life in religious devotion 
and study of books, especially of history. He came to the throne with the determination to 
work as strenuously and carefully as his great grandfather Aurangzeb, whose title he had 
imitated ; but he singularly failed in his aims because of his failing health, weak character, 
incapacity for leadership and the overriding influence of his Wazir who got him assassinated on 

29 November 1759. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , II, 1-5, 213-15 ; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas, II, 379, 380, 409 ; Gupta, Studies in Later Mughal history of the 
Pan jab , 19, 177.) 

1. Raghunath Rao, also known as Raghunath Dada and Raghuba, was the son of Peshwa 
Baji Rao L and the father of the last Peshwa, Baji Rao II. He was selfish, boastful and 
treacherous, and still worse, he was immoral and indulged in excessive licentiousness. He 
was weak and hesitating too. He got assassinated Peshwa Narayan Rao, his nephew, on 

30 August 1773 and installed himself in the Peshwaship. This heinous crime, at once, covered 
him with infamy and the people rose against him In consequence he had to flee to Surat in 
February 1775. To regain the Peshwaship he iqtrigued with the English and in September 1781 
he sent envoys to George III., the King of England, He surrendered himself to the Maratha 
troops in January 1783 giving up his claim to the Peshwaship. Raghunath Rao died on 
11 December 1783. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, II, 193, 342, 375 — 77, 379, 
380, 397, 399—403, 465—67, 471, 473, 476, 488-90, 491, 507-8, 521-26 ; III, 13, 18, 25-28, 
29—32, 37 —8, 40 —41, 44 — 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 63 , 79,84 - 85.87 - 88, 93 - 94, 124-127 ; Main 
Currents of Maratha History , 141, 142, 154, 156, 160, 161, 172 ; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal 
Empire, II, 14 - 22, 146—48. 155- 61, 358 ; III, 172 ; IV, 134.) 



second volume has not the same authenticity and value as the diary given 
in Selections 27 for Dada Sahib 1753-55. 


19th July, 1933. 

I do not share your optimism about an impetus being given to the 
exploration of regional histories. The failure of the Maharashtra 
University scheme is quite irrelevant to the issue. Whence will come the 
professors who will honestly and industriously take up this work of 
research ? They are a lazy lot, and your University authorities are utterly 
ignorant of the needs of scholarship and indifferent to learning. 

Bakhle is a jewel. With him as Secretary, the Satara Hist. Soc. will 
do real work, in spite of their paucity of materials and of learned books. 
If he had been Secretary to the Mandal and had been given the necessary 
power, he would have worked wonders. 

17th Aug. 1933. 

is plural. So the verse means that Jai Singh 1 
defeated Shivaji and others (at least three, possibly a dozen men) who 
aspired to the seat of the master of Delhi. Are you prepared to go to the 
absurdity of Rajwade and be responsible for the opinion that about a 
dozen men (at least three) tried to establish Hindu Pat Padshahi during 
the ten years that Jai Singh served Aurangzib ? Remember that this 
verse applies to JPJT7: with as much force as to Shivaji. This inter- 
pretation would make your book ridiculous. I have gone through all the 

1. Mirza Raja Jai Singh, one of the most distingubhed Mughal general?, first entered 
the Mughal army in 1617 when he was only eight years old. He served with distinction in the 
campaigns in Central Asia and the Deccan earning reputation as a man of great personal 
bravery. He was a bold and gallant soldier and in diplomacy he was hardly surpassed by any 
one. He most loyally served under three Emperors, Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. 
He won many brilliant victories thus establishing his reputation as a general and shrewd 
diplomatist. In September 16-4 he was appointed the viceroy of the Deccan and commissioned 
to punish Shivaji. He subdued Shivaji but due to his failure against Bijapur, he went out of 
favour with Aurangzeb and was removed from the viceroyalty. Disappointed and disgraced, 
he died at Burhanpur on 28 August 1667, "Like Wabingham of Elizabeth's Court", says Sir 
J. N. Sarkar, "he died a bankrupt after serving too faithfully an exacting but thankless master.” 
(Sarkar, Shivaji , 103-4, 105, 106-8, 111-123, 125-27, 129, 134, 160 ; House of Shivaji , 101, 102, 
103*5, 118, 121, 123,125; History of Aurangzib, IV, 75-76, 148, 150; Short History of 
Aurangzib , 196, 198-200, 229-33, 234; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 154. 168 , 


extant contemporary papers on Shivaji, but he nowhere claims to be an 
aspirant for the throne of Delhi. 


13 Sep. 1933. 

Please refer to G. C. Vad’s Selection from Ps' Diaries, Balaji Baji Rao, 
vol II. p. There is no mention of a halt at Palkhed, 1 and one entire 
month is missing, namely (5 Nov.— 3 Dec. 1727.) This is important, 

because the Persian history of the Nizam 4 says that he repulsed Baji Rao 
on 6th November. Cannot this missing month be traced among the 
original papers in the Alienation Office, — at least can you not compare 
Vad’s page with the original & correct it for me ? You helped me in 
this way in respect of Nana Sahib’s 3 march to Bengal in 1743. 

1. Palkhed Vide Sarkar to Sardesai, 20. 9. 1933. 

2. Mir Qattin r-ud-din , commonly known by his titles Nizam-ul-mulk and A-^af Jah, was 
the founder of Hyderabad State. He was the son of Ghazi-ud-din Khan and was born on 11 
August 1671. His family hailed from Samarqand and his mother was the daughter of Shah 
Jahan’s celebrated scholarly wazir, Sadullah Khan. He first obtained service under the 
Mughals about 1683 and was appointed to the viceroyalty of the Deccan in February 1713. 
He held this office till April 1715 when he was removed to the faujdari of Moradabad and in 
1719 he got appointment to the government of Malwa. When summoned to Delhi he declined 
to obey imperial orders and proceeded to the Deccan crossing the Narbada in May 1720. 
The Emperor, however, pardoned him and in 1722 installed him in the premiership but he 
resigned his office in 1724. He was a great military leader and achieved many a triumph of 
diplomacy. In June 1725 he was confirmed in the government of the Deccan. He held this 
position till his death on 2 May 1748. (Irvine, Later Mughals, I, 268-72 ; II, 16-50, 105-7, 
131-54, 299-306: Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, II, 101, 191; Sardesai, New History of 
the Marathas, II, 24, 32, 43, 46. 57, 70-75, 76. 80 - 84 , 90-100, 123, 126, 129, 155-160, 163, 180, 
191. 195-8, 257-8, 319.) 

3. Balaji Baji Rao, also known as Nana Sahib, was born on 12 December 1721. He was 
the eldest son of Peshwa Baji Rao I and succeeded to the Peshwaship in June 1740. He was a 
man of amiable temper and was greatly loved by the people. He possessed considerable 
talents and energy but in leadership and military genius he was inferior to his father. Thus 
the military campaigns were generally conducted by his able and trusted lieutenants who won 
laurels of victory for him. He continued the policy of Maratha imperialism and the fame of 
the "Peshwa resounded from the Indus river to the southern seas.” ( History of the Maratha 
People , vol. Ill, pp. 76-77 quoted by G. S. Sardesai, If, 461.) His wise management of state 
finances, his diplomatic tact and pacific nature in civil and military matters set the state on 
the road to progress. The new3 of the Maratha disaster at Panipat in January /761 proved 
fatal for his already failing health and he died on 23 June 1761. (Sardesai. New History of 
the Marathas , II, 146, 192-93, 195 197-98, 216, 219, 229, 231, 237, 240-46 265, 290, 296, 300, 
305, 308, 310-17, 322-25, 326, 327-29, 331-2, 334, 336, 342, 357, 363, 375, 415-16, 450, 451, 457-61; 
Main Currents of Maratha History, 125, 127-30, 19 2, 194, 196, 205-207 ; Sarkar, Fall of the 
Mughal Empire, II, 359-60.) 




20 Sep. 1933. 

Eureka ! I have found Palkhed on the map, and I wonder how I 
missed it when I searched for it 3 years ago at your request. The scene 
of the battle is a Palkhed 10 m. east of Baizapur 1 2 and 20 m. west of 
Daulatabad, and cannot be two other Palkheds which are given on the 
same sheet, near Nasik. One of the latter is only 15 miles from Dindori* 
where Shivaji defeated Ikhlas Kh. 3 in 1671. 4 As Asaf Jah started from 
Ahmadnagar on 22 Feb, and the battle of Palkhed was fought on 25 Feb, 

he could not have arrived near Nasik. Baji Rao returned from 

Betavad (n. of Dhulia) 5 6 by the Kassari pass (s. w. of Chalisgaon)®— which 
is due north of Baizapur. So the battle took place where I have located 


23rd Sep. 1933. 

The Persian farman to Jedhe (issued by Adil Shah), calling Shahji 
a rebel (“accursed" mardud) and Dadaji 7 as his regent (i mutaliq ) which I 
translated into English has been reproduced in the supplement to last 
year’s Mandal Quarterly with a Marathi translation. As far Najibud- 
daulah, I shall send you my transn when I return to Dj. 

1. The town of Baizapur is 19 miles west of Aurangabad in Bombay State. 

2. Dicdori is situated 28 miles south-west of Chanda and 15 miles north of Nasik in 
Bombay State. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , IV, 302.) 

3. Abdul Muhammad, entitled Ikhlas Khan, was the son of Abdul Qadir bin Bahlol Khan, 
formerly a Pathan leader of Bijapur. He joined the Mughal army in November 1665 and 
was given title of Ikhlas Khan about February 1669 for his military efficiency. He was 
defeated by Shivaji in*the battle of Dindori on l7 October 1670. (Sarkar, House of Shiva ji $ 
61 ; Shivaji, 176-77.) 

4. The correct date is 1670. Vide Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 61 ; Shivaji , 177. 

5. Dhulia is a town 30 miles north of Chalisgaon on the right side of the Penjehra river. 
It is the head-quarters of the Khandesh Di trict of Bombay. There is a fort built by Farrukhi 
Kings. The town was known for its sa r is. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , IV, 280.) 

6. Chalisgaon is a town in the Khandesh District of the Bombay State and it is 30 miles 
south of Dhulia. (Imperial Gazetteer of India « III, 328.) 

7. Dadaji Kond-dev, Shahji’s land-steward, was formerly a Kulkarni of Malthan. He 
was engaged by Shahji to administer his Poona Jagir and to act as the guardian of young 
Shivaji. Just, agile and alert, he managed the jagir with great tact and honesty. Dadaji died 
on 7 March 1647. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 19, 21, 24, 25, 27, 29, 31, 32; History of Anrangzih , IV, 
26 ; Short History of Aurangzib, 182; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 91-94, 102.) 





I have finished my study of the early Nizams and corrected Grant 
Duff in many points,— also your S.P.D., e.g., Baji Rao’s first visit to the 
Nizam was paid at Christmas 1732 and not in March 1728 ; the treaty of 
Shevgaon, 1 if signed at Shevgaon, was dated 11th March 1728. 


8 Dec. 1933. 

I am writing full English translations of all the reliable original 
Persian accounts of Panipat, and if any Maharajah will pay Rs 3,200 for 
the cost of the photographs of mss. secured from England, typing & 
printing charges, I can print these in a book form ! ! ! 

* * * 

I have now identified every small place in Balaji’s incursion into 
Bengal in March, 1743, the Palkhed campaign 1727-8, and Dada’s journey 
to the Ganges, Jan 1755. 

Ghoramara P. O. 

(Rajshahi Dt. Bengal) 

13 Jany. 1934. 

I am now using all my leisure in writing the 2nd vol. of my Fall, 

without a breathing space for any other work The subject is 

growing in my hands, and I have today reached only the end of 1758 
(Dada’s return from the North) and numerous corrections of dates in 
Selections 2, 21 and 27. An early life of Mahadji written by Nuruddin 
Hasan Kh. Malet’s* munshi and the author of that life of Najib ) for Malet 

1. Shevgaon is a town and the head-quarter of the sub-division of Shevgaon in the 
Ahmadnagar District of Bombay State. It is situated 40 miles north-east of Ahmadnagar city. 
{Imperial Gazetteer of India , XII, 410.) 

2 Malet, Sir Charles Warre, Baronet, was born in 1752 and entered East India 
Company’s service in 1770. He knew Persian and Hindustani and was appointed Resident at 
Poona in 1785. He played a prominent part in weakening the Maratha power M So far as 
Poona and Western India were concerned”, says Dr. G S. Sardesai, * the twelve years period 
of Malst’s residency significantly affected not only the course of Maratha politics, but the 
social life of the nation in its various aspects as well. The charming descriptions of sport, 
amusements, athletics, horsemanship, visits, dinners, fireworks, given by Malet in his 
correspondence, disclose significant influences upon Maratha life centring round the Peshwa’s 
Court.” (Sardesai New History of the Marat has, III, 179. 183—85, 194—99, 285; Buckland, 
Dictionary of Indian Biography, 271.) 


in 1779 has reached me from London. This, and the Berlin ms. tell an 
altogether unknown story about Ranoji and young Mahadji upto 1761. 

* * * 

Dilir Khan’s 1 failure in the invasion of Bijapur and Wagingera* 
(1680-81) is fully described in my vol IV and the cause of Aurangzib’s 
displeasure with him in the Essay on Azamshah® in my Studies in 
Aurangzib's Reign (2933.) 

* * * 

The Selections on the 1st Maratha War and the Nizam 1761 — are 
extremely disappointing & barren. 

Ghoramara P.O., 

Sadashiv Rao’s 4 route north of the Narmada 5 was via Bersia* 

1. * Dilir Khan was one of the greatest generals of Anrangzeb. He was an interpid soldier 
and served his master most loyally. But his quarrel with Prince Muazzam who poisoned the 
ears of the Emperor against him about his failure before Bijapur and his suspected sympathy 
towards the rebel prince Akbar degraded him in the eyes of the Emoeror. In consequence, he 
committed suicide to escape the Emperor's wrath. But according to Sir J. N. Sarkar, he "died 
a natural death about 20 September 1683.” (Sarkar. History of Aurangzib , IV, 507—8 ; 
Shivaji , 111, 123, 125, 130, 168, 184, 198, 317—19, 325 — 26 ; Studies in Aurangzib's Reign , 
67—68 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 187, 189, 218, 305 ) 

2. Wagingera was situated 12 miles north-east of Sagar in old Hyderabad State, 
(Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib, 350.) 

3. Prince Muhammad Azi.m Shah, son of Aurangzeb, was born in 1653, Though 
courageous and brave, he was an arrogant and domineering fellow and possessed a violent 
temper. After the death of hi3 father in 1707 he proclaimed him' elf emperor but perished 
along with his rons on 8 June 1707 in the war of succession which gave the crown to Muazzam 
entitled Bahadur Shah, His reign lasted for 3 months and ten days. (Sarkar, Studies in 
Aurangzib's Reign, 61—88 : Irvine Later Mughals , I, 4—5, 8, 11—17, 21—35.) 

4. Sadashiv Rao Bhau who commanded the Maratha army at the Third Battle of Panipat 
was the cousin of Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao. He had been trained to organise military expedi- 
tions from the very beginning and in March 1760 the arduous task of leading an expedition to 
Northern India was entrusted to him. He "possessed both a stern and valiant character” 
(G. S. Sardesai) and perished with 75 thousand Marathas on 14 January 1761 in the battle of 
Panipat which gave the victory to Ahmad Shah Abdali. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal 
Empire , II, 235-267 ; Sardesai* New History of the Marathas , II, 259, 250-93, 300-302, 327 , 330, 
336-37, 375, 415-456; Main Currents of Maratha History , 143-6.) 

5. With its source in Amarkantak hill Narbada or Narmada is a famous river which 
forms the traditional boundary between Northern India and the Deccan It has a westwards 
cou se of 800 miles and falls into the sea below Broach in Bombay. {Imperial Gazetteer 
of India, X, 207-10 ) 

6. The town of Berasia or Bersia is nearly 28 miles north of Bhupal and 27 miles north- 
west of Bhilsa in Madhya Pradesh. 



wrong spelling in Rajwade vol I. letter No. 202),-which is north- 
west of Bhilsa, 1 and not through Bhilsa as you say in your Riyasat. 
He met Malhar Holkar on 15 June (north of the Chambal*— not south) and 
Suraj Mai 8 near Agra on 28 or 29 June. The Bhau never went to Bharatpur.* 
So, the map in Selection ii is wrong. In Rajwade i. letter 188, JTT5PTT is 
most likely a copyist’s error for HT3«TT. But where is the original ? 


1st May, 1934. 

In Europe, your work as editor of the Peshwas’ Daftar records would 
have been promptly recognised by your own University and every 
University where Maratha history is taught conferring on you the 
honorary degree of D. Litt. In England Mr. Loeb, a mere rich man 
probably innocent of the classics, was created a Doctor by the Cambridge 
University because he had financed the issue of a new edition of the Greek 
and Latin classics with English translations on the opposite page. True 
scholars are there honoured even more surely and quickly. But here, 
half the Senate (and Board of History) are blissfully ignorant of the 
present state of research and names of research-workers in Maratha history, 
and the other half are consumed by jealousy of your achievements and 
would thwart every attempt to recognise your scholarship. 

1. Bhilra is a town 26 miles north-east of Bhupal on Western Railways in Madhya 
Prade3h. Situated on the right bank of the river Betwa on a rock, Bhilsa has a fort enclosed 
by a ditch. There is a gun o' 10" bore and 19J' long in the fort which was prepared by 

, Jahangir. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India, II, 392-93.) 

2. The river Chambal is in Central India and it is one of the tributaries of the Jarauna. 
At a distance of 40 miles from its source, where the railway line crosses it, there is a station 
of the same name. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India, III, 331.) 

3. Suraj Mai Jat was the adopted son of Badan Singh, the Raja of Bharatpur. After 
Badan Singh’s death on 7 June 1756, he became the ruler of the Jat Kingdom. "He was of 
middle stature and of a robust frame, very black in complexion and very fat.” A great states- 
man and diplomat, he carried the state to the zenith of its glory. He fell fighting against 
Najib on 25 December 1763. (Sarkar, FalPof the Mughal Empire, II, 244, 248, 255-56, 354, 
389, 433-56 ; Sarde3ai, New History of the Marathas, II, 376, 412, 419, 507 ; Gupta, History 
of tU Sikhs , I, 148, 198.) 

4. The town of Bharatpur is 35 miles west of Agra and 112 mile3 east of Jaipur. It is known 
for its chauris . The particular process of chauri making is known only to a small number of 
families there, and it is kept as a secret. There is abo a strong fortress which was built by 
Bahadur Singh in 1793* {Imperial Gazetteer of India, II, 375-76.) 

Sarkar-Sardesai correspondence 



9th May 1934, Night. 

Received your post card yesterday. Shah Nawaz Khan 1 
defeated Ambar® on Sunday 25 Bahman (== 4 Feb. 1616, and not 1614 
as printed.) Patan is not traceable in the map; it cannot be Paithan, 
unless the Mughal general marched due south from Balapur, 8 to the 
Godavari 4 and then worked up the river north-westwards to Paithan, as 
his cavalry required abundant water supply. An earlier reference (in my 
translation) to 'the rich city of Patan’ suggests Paithan. In a Persian ms. 
Patan, Man and Pain (Ganga) are written alike, the last two being the 
names of two rivers intervening between Balapur and Daulatabad. 

* * * 

I have secured from England a typed copy of Sir Charles Malet’s 
report on the Maratha army, its number, organiza:ion, defects, methods of 
marching and camping and armament, written from the Maratha camp at 
Khardla 1795. It shows marvellous insight and accuracy. I send you 
herewith the portion giving the names and strength of the different 
officers. This was the fullest gathering of all the forces of Maharashtra 
(except Gaikwad, Ali Bahadur and the Bundele brothers) — much larger 
than in the Udgir 5 campaign. You can here see the names of the 
ancestors of the great families and their comparative position (from the 
number of their troops). 

* * * 

1. Shah Nawaz Khan was the son of Abdur Rahim Khan-e-Khanan, a renowned 
general and great noble of Jahangir's Court. He was a daring soldier like his father and also 
served as governor of the Deccan for some time. (Sardesai t New History of the MaratJurs, 
I, 48. 50.) 

2. Malik Ambaj was by origin an Abyssinian. He was made a slave when young and 
was brought to India by a merchant who sold him to a minister of the Sultan of Ahmadnagar. 
He possessed great power of application and by dint of ability and hard work he made himself 
the Regent of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. He devoted all his energies to the betterment of the 
people and his sagacious statesmanship and sound administration revived the decaying Nizam 
Shahi dynasty. He resisted the Mughal imperialism for over fifteen years and died on 
14 May 1626. (Sarkar, House ofShivaji, 34-36 ; Short History of Aurangzib, 11 ; History 
of Aurangzib, I, 33 ; Sardesai. New History of the Marathas, 1. 44, 45, 47-51, 55.) 

3* Balapur is situated 16 miles west of Akola and 6 mile 3 south of Paras station in Berar. 
(Imperial Gazetteer of India, I, 458.) 

4. Godavari rises in the Western Ghats near the village of Trimbak in the Nasik 
District of Bombay. It runs across the Deccan from the Western to the Eastern Ghat.. It is 
a holy river like the Ganga. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, V, 131.) 

5. Udgir is 24 miles north of Bhalki. (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, 45.) 


Sonadial 1 2 3 4 cannot be Songir* in the Batoda State, where Shiva ji 
confined his English prisoners, Rivington & others 

Shri Mushnam, a village in Chidambaram taluq, South Arcot district 
(Madras), 19 miles west of Kadalur. It contains one of the eight most 
famous Vishnu temples of the South. 

Vriddha-giri ■“Vriddhachal; in the South Arcot district, famous for 
its temple. 

It may also stand for Vriddhakal, i.e., a Vishnu temple 'Barsha 
avatar) at Mahavalipuram or the famous Seven Pagodas. 

Rukma-Sabhsdhipa is probably a name for Vishnu (Krishna), the 
husband of Rukma’s sister Rukmini. 


19 May, 1934. 

Since writing to you last, I have out of curiosity taken away a couple 
of days from my Panipat work and studied the Persian sources on Malik 
Ambar in detail. The result is that I have ascertained that Shah Nawaz 
Khan defeated Ambar on 4 Feb. 1616 at Roshangaon, 10 miles west of 
Jalna, 8 the latter city being the Mughal headquarters. Roshangaon has 
a Harhi and seems to have been known as Roshangarh, which has been 
misspelt by the Persian copyist as Rosalgar. The Dudhna,* a feeder of 
the Godavari almost encircles it. The Persian name for the Godavari is 
“the river of Patan," i.e., the river on the bank of which Paithan stands. 
Paithan was in Muslim occupation (sometimes under the Delhi officers) 
in Ambar’s time. 

I find that one Gangadhar was shot during the Bhau’s siege of Delhi 
fort, on 27 July 1760. He was not Tatya G. Chandrachud, nor Gangadhar 
Govind (the son of Bundele.) Who was he ? I also once thought that 
Kanak-giri 5 * (in Mysore) was the gt«Sfrsf§r mentioned in the Kosha, but did 

1. Sonachal : Vide Sardesai to Sarkar, 15, 5. 1934. 

2. Songiri or Songarh : Vide Sardesai to Sarkar, 15. 5. 34. 

3. Jalna is 38 miles east of Aurangabad in the Bombay State on the bank of the stream 
Kundalika. It is said that Sita, wife of Rama, resided at Jalna and it was then called Janakpuri. 
{Imperial Gazetteer of India , VII, 106.) 

4. Dudhna or Dudna is a tributary of the river Godavari having its source in the 
Aurangabad District of Bombay State. 

5. Kanakgiri is 25 miles north-east of Kopbal in Raichur Doab. (Sarkar, Shiva ji, 

313 ; History of Aurangzib , IV, 156.) 



mot accept the identification because Shivaji never visited the place, 
nor were its temples known to have been molested by the Muslims ; but 
neither of the above objections is really strong. 


26 May, 1934. 

Who was “Sasadhar Pandit 1 2 the Maratha Vakil”, (misspelt Sendur 
in Rawlinson’s Panipat), who helped Shujauddaulah* in identifying the 
Bhau’s body ? 

What was the name of the son of Pilaji Jadhav 3 who fell at Panipat ? 
It was not Satvoji who lived long after the battle. 

I have just translated Kashi Rao’s Panipat Bakhar from the Persian 
and am surprised at the large omissions and gross mistakes made by Col. 
Brown in his translation. Many deeply interesting details now come out, 
and I can see the whole affair as if passing before my eyes. I find the 
Bhau’s character and capacity have been misrepresented ; he was certainly 
not a general, but no insolent braggart and his heroic death is fully 
described in the Persian text of Kashi Rao. 

19th June, 1934. 

The Panipat campaign has been entirely reconstructed by me. and 
written in full detail for ray second volume. I am now revising and 
retouching these two chapters (“The Bhau in the north” and the "Battle 

1. Sasadhar Pandit refers to Sadashiv Ballal Pbadke, brother of Haripant. (G.S.S-to 
J.N.S., 30.5 34.) 

2. Shuja-ud-daulah was the son ot Safdar Jang, the Nawab of Oudh, born in 1731 and 
succeeded him in 1753. “He had acquired an expensive knowledge in the practice of every 
species of deceit and could perform with facility every character that was necessary to 
conduct the various purposes of delusion or treachery. His excesses in venery, which knew 
no control, led him to commit actions derogatory from his station, as well as pernicious to his 
health." (Sarkar) He died on 27 January 1775. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, II, 
530-32 ; Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, 389; SMvastava, Shuja-ud-daulah, 2 voK) 

3. Pilaji Jadhav was the chief of Wagholi and took active part in the expansion of the 
Maratha power. His integrity, intelligence and tact combined with his belief in conciliation 
made him an expert in the art of conducting negotiations and holding peace parleys. He 
rendered diplomatic service to the Maratha State for over thirty years serving creditably in 
many a delicate situation. He died an invalid about 1752. (Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas, II, 69, 145, 146, 170. 216, 248.) 



of P”)» after an immense amount of labour and racking of the brain- But 
at last I see light in the midst of darkness, and these chapters will be sent 
to the Press in a week from now 

* * * 

The Maratha wakil in Shuja’s camp at Panipat was either Shasha- 
dhar or Damodar Pandit (i.e. D. M. Hingane 1 2 3 4 ) and not Sadashiv Pandit as 
you suggest. Where was Damodar H. then ? Pila Jadav’s son was most 
probably Appaji Jadav and not Sambhaji J. as you suggest. 

August, 34. 

In your Riyasat (Shivaji volume) 2nd ed., please do not forget to add 
(as given in my Marathi Shivaji) : — 

Some ten years before this Afzal Khan* had been sent by the Sultan 
of Bijapur to attack Kasturi-ranga, the Rajah of Sera. After a siege of 
that fort, Kasturi-Ranga 8 came humbly to Afzal’s camp to offer his sub- 
mission, but Afzal put this unarmed suppliant for mercy to death on the 
pretext that he had behaved rudely during their interview. This is 
stated on the authority of Zahur bin Zahuri, the official historian of 
Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah. The letter of the English factor at Raja- 

pur* (dated Dec. 1659.. ....quote from Sarkar’s footnote ) proves 

that Afzal Khan was instructed by Queen-mother Bari Sahiba 5 * * to play the 
same trick against Shivaji. 

1. Damodar, M. Hingane was the Peihwa's agent at Delhi. He was appointed as the 
tax-collector at Gaya and Kurukshetra when the Emperor abolished the taxes on the pilgrims 
visiting these places on 25 October 1754. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, II, 2, f.n.) 

2. Abdullah Bhatari, entitled Afzal Khan, was the Bijapuri general. He distinguished 
himself in numerous campaigns and also served as governor of Wai and Kanakgiri. Though 
bold and energetic, he often resorted to treachery. Particularly hr> murder of Kasturi- 
Ranga had made him very infamous. He lost his life on 10 November 1659 at the hands of 
Shivaji who attacked him in self-defence during a private meeting arranged by the Khan. 
(Sarkar, Shivaji , 58-74; History of Aurangztb , IV, 44; Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas , I, 72, 76, 112, 123-30.) 

3. For details, vide Sarkar, Shivaji , 63. 

4. Rajapur is 30 miles south of Ratnagiri and it is the chief town of the sub-division of 
the same name. In 1660-61 Shivaji plundered the town and sacked the English factory* 
(Sarkar, Shivaji , 222, 333 ; Imperial Gazetteer of India, XI, 384-85.) 

5. Bari Sahiba was the queen of Muhammad Adil Shah, the king of Bijapur, After his 

death on 4 November 1656. the administration was conducted by the Dowager Queen in the 

name of her young son, Ali Adil Shah. She “virtually ruled the state till her pious journey to 

Mecca (1660).” She “was a woman of masterful spirit and experienced in the conduct of 
business.” (Sarkar, Shivaji , 58 ; Short History of Aurangzib , 38, 187 ; Sardesai, New History 
of the Marathas , I, 123, 149.) 



Therefore Shivaji’s attack was purely defensive, acc. to the non- 
Maratha sources. 

August, 1934. 

Netaji Palkar 1 

On Shivaji’s flight from Agra (1666) Emperor wrote to Jai Singh to 
arrest and send Netaji from his camp in the Deccan to Agra, as a 

Neta reaches the Court, is kept in prison, agrees to embrace Islam 
(Feb. 1667), is circumcised, named. Muhammad Quli Kh & created 
3-hazari (March) — is sent to serve in Kabul. Nothing more is recorded 
of him till his return to Shivaji's Court at the end of 1676 (see Jedhe for 
nrefoci ). 

Daud Kh Qureshi* was an Arab and ultimately settled in Bihar, 
while Daud Kh. Pani* was an Afghan (some 30 years younger than 
Qureshi.) This Pani became Nawab of Kurnool* in the Deccan, where 

1. Netaji Palkar was the Master of the Horse in Shivaji's army. He fell out with 
Shivaji and joined the Bijapuris in January 1666. Soon after the astute Mirza Raja Jai Singh, 
the Mughal general, lured him to transfer his allegiance to the Mughals and secured for him 
the mansab of a Commander of 5,000, a jagir and Rs. 50,000 in cash. In 1667 Aurangzeb 
converted him to telam, gave him the name cf Muhammad Quli and sent him to Afghanistan 
where he served till 1676 when he returned to Maharashtra. He was a gallant soldier "whom 
the Deccanis regarded as a second Shivaji." He died during the reign of Shivaji’s son 
Shambhuji. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 57, 65, 68, 87-88, 117, 128, 131, 157, 285 ; History of Aurattgzib, 
IV, 468-69 , Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 118, 130, 131, 138, 162, 181-82, 218-19, 

2. Daud Khan Qureshi was one of the ablest Mughal generate. He also served as the 
governor of Bihar for some time. The Emperor Aurangzeb had a very good opinion of his 
gallantry and military efficiency as a general. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 115-17, 166-67, 176-77, 179, 
182-83; Short History of Aurattgzib, 78, 90, 100, 198, 211; Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas , I, 192-95.) 

3. Daud Khan Pani acted as Zulfiqar Khan's deputy in the Deccan from 1708 to 1713 
when he was appoihted to the government of Gujrat. After two years he was transferred to 
Burhanpur and died in a fight with Husain Ali Khan, the Mir Bakhshi, on 6 September 1715. 
(Irvine, Later Mughals » I, 238, 302-303; Sardesai. New History of the Marathas t II, 32, 33, 

4. Karnul is an important town in the Andhra State and it is 54 miles south-east of 
Raichur, situated at the junction of the Tungabhadra and the Hindri. There are the 
remains of a fort which was built by Gopal Raya and the mausoleum of the first Nawab of 
Karnul, Abdul Wahab. {Imperial Gazetteer of India , VIII, 45.) 



his family still continues. His brother's grandson murdered Nasir Jang 1 
in 1750 (Dec.). ' 

Netaji’s uncle Gondaji (or Kondaji) is converted to Islam (Dec. 1667). 

Kopal* and the Mianas 8 in Shivaji’s time (not inserted in Shivaji, 
3rd. ed. by J. Sarkar). 

A Persian ms. (British Museum Or. 1641) says— 

The fort of Kopal was in the j astir of Abdur Rahim 4 Kh. Miana, a 
Bijapuri noble who left there as his agent, Husain Miana. 8 In a battle*, 
with Shiva (on the march to the Eastern Karnatak) Husain and his 
brother 7 were captured. Shivaji pressed Husain to give up the fort of 
Kopal. Husain sent his brother there with a Maratha force but Husain’s 
son refused to deliver the fort. So the Maratha slew his brother then 
and there. After this Husain came there & caused that fort to be 
surrendered to the Marathas. He now entered Mughal service and was 
given the title of Path Jang Kh. 

I enclose my tour programme, 

* * * 

Oct. 13. Arrival, Agra, 1.20 p.m. or 6 p.m. 
14-16 At Agra. 

16 Leave Agra, 6 p.m. 



1. Nasir Jang was the son of Nizam-ul-mulk. A capable and ambitions young man be 
rebelled against bis father in 1740. He was defeated and captured, but was again restored 
to favour. He succeeded his father in May 1748 but was assassinated by bis Pathan allies in 
December 1750. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, II, 180, 195-198, 319-20 ; Sarkar, 
"Fall of the Mughal Empire *1, 15, 205.) 

2. Koppa! or Kopbai is situated 56 miles west of Bellary in the Raichur District of the 
old Hyderabad State. 4 'The fort of Koppal commanded the Bijapur possessions between 
Krishna and the Tuogabhadra rivers.” For its strategic importance it has been called the 
“gate of south”. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 313. Imperial Gazetteer , XXVI, Plate 42.) 

3* “Miana is the name of one of the clans of Afghanistan.” (Sarkar, Shivaji , 60.) 

4. Abdur Rahim was the son of Bahlol Khan and died in July 1665. His sod, Abdul 
Karim, was the wazir of Bijapur from 11 November 1675 to his death on 23 December 1677. 
(Sarkar, House of Shivaji , 61.) 

5. Husain Miana acted as the agent of Abdur Rahim’s Jagir, Kopbai. He entered the 
Mughal service in 1683, and was created a commander of 5,000. He died at Raigarh. 
(Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 62-63.) 

6* The battle was fought near Yelburga in January 1677. (Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 


7. The name of his brother m Qaaim Khan. (Sarkar, Hous* of Shiva fi, 63.) 



17 Reach Ajmir, 9 a.m. 

Leave Ajmir, 11 p.m. 

18 Reach Udaipur, 10-50 a.m. 

18-20 At Udaipur 

21 Reach Chitor, 1 visit Fort. Leave Chitor 3.3 p.m. and reach 
Fatihabad 2 3 (Ujjain) at midnight. 

22 Visit Ujjain. 8 

23 Visit battlefield of Dharmat 4 (at Fatihabad ), leave Fatiha- 
bad at noon, reach Khandwa 5 Jn. at 8.25 p m. 

24 Reach Bombay at 9 a.m. 

24-25 At Bombay 

26 Reach Kamshet 6 * at 11 a.m. 

Nov. 1 Leave Kamshet for Poona, reach Satara at night. 

2 & 3 At Satara (lectures) 

4 Return to Poona and Kamshet- 

Nov. 1934. 

Poona Residency Records. 

Plan for securing uniformity in editing. 

1. Divide each volume into sections according to sub-topics or 

2. All the documents in a volume should bear consecutive numbers, 
which would be printed in bold type before each letter. Don’t have 
seperate numbering for the sections. 

1. Chitor is a town in Rajasthan, associated with the name of the celebrated Maharana 
Pratap and also known for its famous fortress of Chitorgarh. Situated on the sloping solid 
rock of the western side of the hill, the town is rectangular in shape. The ancient fortress 
was the capital of Mewar from 728 A. D. when Bapa Rawal seieed it from the ruling chief till 
1568 when it was finally captured by Akbar. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, III, 430.) 

2. Fatihabad or Fateh abad is known for die battle-field of Dharmat where one of the 
battles of the War of Succession was fought in 1658. It is situated 14 miles south-west of 
Ujjain. (Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib , 55.) 

3. Ujjain is a sacred and historic town in Madhya Pradesh. In ancient times it was the 
capital of Maiwa, the seat of one of the viceroyalties of Asoka and the capital of Vikramaditya* 
Besides the other places the remains of the Vikramaditya fort and the old observatory are 
also the worth-seeing places there. The remains of the old city are nearly one mile north 
of the modern Ujjain. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , XIII, 417.) 

4. Dharmat : See Fatehabad. 

5. The town of Khandwa is 40 miles north of Burhanpur and it is the head-quarter 
of the Nimar District of Mhdhya Pradesh. Standing on a mound the town has been a great 
seat of Jain worship. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , VIII, 159-60.) 

6. Kamshet is situated on the bank of Indrayani river, 29 miles north-west of Poona 

in Bombay State. (Sarkar, Hot*** of Shivaji, 257.) 



3. Each letter should be headed thus : 

(1st) Serial number 

(2nd line) From to 

(3rd line, on the right hand side of the page) and in italics 
place and date of writing. 

An example from my volume : — 

David Anderson to Warren Hastings, G. G. 

Camp before Gwalior, 8 May, 1783. 

4. Omit all unimportant paragraphs, long addresses, and formal 
signatures, so as to confine the extracts to really valuable historical 

5. The editor’s introduction should state the nature of the original 
information now presented, give a descriptive narrative of the epoch or 
incident covered by the volume, and a short life (as of Malet or of 
Mahadji Sindhia). 

Then will come 

(i) a chronological table of the chief dates embraced by the 
period of the volume. 

(ii) a summary of the contents of the volume, arranged according 
to years, exactly as in the introduction to the Calendar of 
Persian Correspondence, quoting the serial number of the 
letter in the volume after each entry. 

6. Strike out the copious and unnecessary use of capital letters in 
the typescript, and reduce them to small letters as befitting the 20th 
century English style. 

7. Modernise the spellings of the names of persons and places 

( places according to the Hunterian system as adopted in the Imperial 

Gazetteer of India), wherever the old spelling is likely to mislead or 
puzzle the reader. But leave the old spelling untouched, where the name 
can be easily understood in its archaic form. 

8. Short footnotes explanatory of persons and places may be given ; 
or the whole information collected in one alphabetical appendix. 

Other suggestions already left at the A. O. 

- 36/8 Sahitya Parishat Str, 

Beadon Str P. O., 

18 Dec. 1934. 

My search has yielded the most astonishing results. Malet sent his 
Account of the Maratha Empire to the G. G. in three parts, the last 



ending with the death of Shambhuji. He was puzzled why a Hindu 
dynasty should use the Hijera era (evidently the ShaKur San which he 
could not distinguish from the Hijera.) He was unable to find the dates 
of certain early events and this imposed a delay upon his despatch of the 
Account. But when he approached Nana Fadni’s 1 2 Secretary for clearing 
his doubts, Nana’s suspicion was roused ! I I 

Malet reached Poona on 6 (or 16) Feb. 1786 and not in 1785. 

Malet also heard of the boy Baji Rao II’s* disease. What marvellous 
intelligence service he had ! 

36/8, Sahitya Parishad Str, 

24th Feb. 1935. 

I have found Malet to be too prolix a writer and I had necessarily 
to cut out all his long reflections, conjectures as to the future, and 
general remarks, besides matters now well-known (e.g., the intrigues and 

1. Nana Fadnis, a Brahman by caste, was the head accountant of the Peshwa’s office. 
After 1775 he became the foremost man in the Maratha State and wielded supreme power for 
over twenty years. He was an indefatigable worker, patriot and strong opponent of the 
Britishers. He organised an All India Confederacy against the English and thi3 was his 
greatest achievement in the diplomatic field. * Nana doubtless shines out as the last genius 
produced by Maratha nation . 99 He died on 13 March 1800 at the age of 58. (Sardesai, 
N$w History of the Marathas , II, 244, 454 ; III, 20, 33, 40, 65-66, 71, 84, 86, 122, 173, 333-36, 

£357-60 ; Main Currents of Maratha History , 133, 152, 159-61, 164, 165-69, 170-71, 173* 

*174-75, 181, 182, 183, 190, 191 , 206 ; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , IV, 6, 128-29, 
kl40, 141.) 

2. Baji Rao II, the* last Peshwa, was the son of Raghoba. Born at Dhar on 10 January 
1775 he became the Peshwa in December 1796. A man of sensuous nature, he was weak and 

^incompetent and tried to hide his private life, full of shame and wickedness, with devotion to 
religious practices. Thus he was little liked by the people and fled to Bassein in 1802 when 
j&swant Rao Holkar defeated him in an encounter. To regain the lost position he accepted 
irmed help from the British and thi3 blind selfishness sounded the death-knell of Maratha 
independence. The English saw their opportunity and forced him to sign in June 1817 an- 
other treaty which finally extinguished his waning power. To emancipate himself from 
British control he began intrigues and made an appeal to arms. The desperate efforts, how- 
ever, were doomed to failure and he was banished to Bithur where he died in January 1851 at 
the age of 76. It was his adopted son, Nana Sahib, who took a leading part in the Mutiny of 
1857. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV» 134-37, 194, 203 ; Sardesai, New History of 
the Maratha s, III, 63, 313, 316, 322-24, 327-28, 331, 333-337, 371-74, 379 ; Main 

Currents of Maratha History , 191, 192, 194, 206, 225.) 


factions at the Poona Court.) Hence, as stirring events grow few and far 
between, his despatches (esp. in 1792-93) lose their importance as to facts, 
and I have ordered only a small proportion of his writings for such years 
to be copied. The centre of gravity of Maratha politics had by now 
shifted from Poona to Sindhia’s camp in the North, and I have already 
got every piece of important English record relating to Sindhia copied 
for me. 

* * * 

Hindu superstitions and manners : — 

(1) Forbes — Oriental Memoirs 

(2) Dubois — Memoirs of the Hindus, tr. by Beauchamp, new ed. by 
Ox. Univ. Press 

(3) Ward — Religion of the Hindoos, — rather a missionary attack. 

(4) Heber — Journal and Letters, very sober, though touching the 
fringe of the subject only. 

(5) Tone — Manners of the Marathas &c. (You received from me 
only one instalment of it, in the Asiatic Annual Register; the rest is in 


8th April. 1935. 

For three weeks I have worked hard at Mahadji Sindhia — Marathi, 
Persian and French sources, and find a vast wealth of material ; the whole 
epoch is now clear to me in the minutest detail, as in the case of the 
Panipat campaign. I mean North Indian affairs, and not the Peshwa’s 
Court— which latter I have left to you, — from 1761 to 1794. 

# * * 

In Calcutta I went through Malet’s report on the trade of the 
Maratha empire with Bombay. It is of very little value ; it does not 
touch the foreign or oversea trade of the Marathas — for they had none at 
this time, and bought foreign articles through the English importers I 

Malet in India had no father-in-law except some Musalman 
Khansamas ! He married only after retirement to England. I enclose, his 
most authentic life for inclusion in your introduction. Don’t omit any of 
his letters of resignation ; they are .masterpieces of English prose. 

27th June, 1935. 

I doubt very much whether any prince will patronise- this series. 
You see, they have no money left after- engaging UfaT Sjftojs and buying 



small jjirls to be their concubines, like the three Gujerati (or Kathiawadi) 
young men who escaped from a Maharajah’s harem in Bombay only 
10 days ago. 


14 July, 1935. 

Keelat and Pharman should be spelt Khilat and farman with small 
initial letters, the other words of your list may begin with capitals. 
Malet’s Kulloon or Kodha^Kaliyan or qadah, a small bowl for the hukka . 

[Date and place not given] 


Shivaji — the historical background. The great empires of South all 
gone by 1640 — Yadavas, Vijayanagar, Bahmani, and even Bijapur (which 
was really more like an empire than a single kingdom.) Ruin of the 
Hindus of the Karnatak (see J. Sarkar’s articles in the Mod. Rev. 1931 or 
so). Social & political effects of this fragmentation : culture, peace & 
economic prosperity gone. 

The future dark for the Maratha race & the Hindus in general. 
The Mughal Empire did not mean the same beneficial conquest for the 
South (owing to distance and the greed of the local agents of Delhi) as for 
the North, where it was truly a blessing. Would the Hindus, in this 
chaotic world, sink into savage hillmen and unlettered peasants all ? The 
moral poison had already destroyed Ahmadnagar (Nizam Shahi 1 ) and was 
visibly killing the Adil Shahi 2 & Qutb Shahi. 3 

Shivaji appeared as a saviour on this scene. If his work was not 
completed it was solely due to his short life & the fact that like Robinson 
Crusoe on the lonely island he had to make everything with his own hands 
— he had to create a state and an army organisation from the very founda- 
tions. Herein lies his greatness. 

“The last constructive genius of the Hindu race," 

(J. Sarkar). 

1. The kingdom and the city of Ahmadnagar were founded in 1494 A. D. by Ahmad 
Nizam Shah, an officer of the Bahmani kingdom. It was conquered by Shah Jahan in 1636. 

12. The Adil Shahi dynasty was founded by Yusaf Adil Khan, the governor of Bijapur, 
who declared his independence on the break-up of the Bahmani kingdom. The kingdom of 
Bijapur was annexed to the Mughal Empire in 1686. 

3. The kingdom of Golkonda was founded by Quli Qutub Shah, a Turki officer of the 
Bahmani kingdom. Golkonda was annexed by Aurangzeb in 1687, 



Describe & — Critically study Shivaji’s civil organisation — what he 
received from the ancient Hindu past, what he took over from the 
village communities of the Deccan-Mahazar, patel, balutras, etc. How he 
adjusted it to his needs. 

His army organisation. Not a horde of light plunderers, not at all 
parallel to the Pindharis of 1817-but more complex, better organised and 
infinitely stronger (illustrate by a study of the battle of Vani-Dindori in 
1670, from Sarkar’s Shivaji). His spy system — always got full intelligence 
of a place before going there on an expedition. 

The perfection of an army consists in (1) its suitability to the 
terrain (country, landscape &c) (2) its relative superiority to its opponents, 
and (3) its exact conformity to the temper & character of its people 
e.g., the English & French national characters are diametrically opposite, 
so also was Napoleon’s method of fighting versus Wellingtons; see 
Peninsular War in Cambridge Modern History, vol. IX, also the tactics at 
Waterloo). Sh. a supreme military genius, judged by this test. 

His religious toleration a wonder in that age. Indian nationality 
possible and enduring only when there are equal rights for all & a fair field 
& no favour, or as the Fr. Revolution of 1789 declared “career open to 
talent” only. 

This is the supreme ideal of a modern State — Shiva realised it 250 
years ago. 

Use fully & thoughtfully the last 3 chapters of Sarkar’s Shivaji, 
3rd ed. 

10th Aug. 1935. 

Please move the Bombay Govt, at once to beg from the Secretary of 
State for India one (or two) copies of their catalogue of Marathi mss. in 
the India Office, London, which was reported a year ago as about to be 
published, and when you get a copy study it carefully to find out if it can 
supply the papers missing from the Peshwas’ Daftar. 

I cannot approve of Diskalkar picking out papers on the Relations 
(with, or news of) frontier states, as 'the subject is quite unimportant from 
the Poona angle of view and also in conflict with my general editorial 
plan for the series. Let him take the Nizam papers and make a volume 

of 500 pages out of them. No knowledge of Persian is necessary. 

• * * 

The Nagpur Residency Records form a virgin field, except for the 



published selections from Jenkins's 1 Reports ( which are later in point of 
time), and I am anxious to see this subject forming our 3rd (at least 4th) 


18 Oct 1935. 

I have secured from Paris the ms. journal of an officer of Bussy* 
describing the campaign of Salabat Jang 3 against Nana Sahib Peshwa and 
the march on Puna (Nov. 1751-Mar, 1752) especially the night attack on 
the Maratha camp during an eclipse ! 

There is no connection between the records of the Peshwa-Nizam 
relations (culminating in the battle of Kharda) and the disbanding of 
Raymond’s* corps at Haiderabad in 1799. On the latter subject add 
Raymond’s letters and my introductory notes as given in my article on 
Raymond published in Islamic Culture (Haiderabad) in 1933. 

The “country newspapers’’ are akhharat written with the hand in 
Persian and sent from important cities (like Delhi, Fathgarh, 6 Lahore, 

1. Jenkins, Sir Richard, wa~ born on 18 February 1785. He joined the East India 
Company’s service in 1800 and acted as the Assistant Resident and Acting Resident at 
Sindhia’s court from 1804 to 1805. He was the Resident at Poona from 1807-1827 and 
became the Chairman of the East India Company’s Directors in 1839. He died on 
30 December 1853. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , III, 361, 430 ; Buckland, 
Dictionary of Indian Biography 222 ) 

2. Bussy, a French General, served under Salabat Jang, son of Nizam-ul-mulk. He was 
very resourceful and skilful and it was he who had made Salabat Jang the Nizam of 
Hyderbad in 1751. He was defeated by the British at the battle of Wandewash in 1760 and 
was sent to Europe. He again came to India in 1 783 and died in January 1785. (Sardesai, 
New History of the Marathas . II, 308, 320» 322, 324-28, 332-33, 336; Buckland, Dictionary 
of Indian Biography, 64.) 

3. Salabat Jang, the third son of Asaf Jah, proclaimed himself the Nawab of Hyderabad 
on the death of his sister’s son, Muzaffar Jang, on 3 January 1751. He was a weak ruler and 
the real power was wielded by his ministers. He was put to death by his overpowering 
brother, Nizam Ali, on 16 September 1763. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , II, 195, 
320-21, 323-25, 326-29. 332, 333-37; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire . I, 206.) 

4. Raymond, Francois, was the French General of Nizam Ali of Hyderabad. Born on 
20 September 1755 he came to India in 1775 and took up service under Hyder Ali. He entered 
Nizam Ali’s service in 1785 and was entrusted with the charge of reorganising the army on 
European model. He performed this task creditably and served his master with loyalty and 
zeal. He died on 25 March 1798. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , Hit 353, 3 53 

5. The town of Fatehgarh is situated on the right side of the Ganga, 3 mile3 east of 
Farrukhabad. It was a cantonment and played a great part in the Mutiny of 1857. (Imper* 
ial Gazetteer of India » IV, 420.) 


Jaipur, &c.) to Calcutta or ; to the British agents at important ce ntres . 
They ware neither printed nor written for the public. (See ''Waqia navis” 
in my Mughal Administration, 2nd ed.) 

9, Badur Bagan Row, 
Amh. Str. P.O., 

11th Nov. 1935. 

Gode s paper is a first rate contribution to Maratha history. The 
pity of it is that so few sheets of the two works have survived. There is 
no doubt that he is right in holding that % is really an eulogistic 

life of Shambhuji. I have found the Tapidas and Satidas as historical 
personages living in Surat in Aurangzib’s reign (Vide the Persian 
MiraUi-Ahmadi,v6\. I. of the Gaekwad Oriental Series.[)] But my view is 
that one of these, a rich banker and Mughal official (and not ITSTT except 
in a complimentary sense.) offered Champa (a dancing girl but virgin, or 
the illegitimate daughter of some Rajput noble by a concubine) to 
Shambhuji and this averted a on Surat. It would be sweet to 

imagine that this Champa s son was that Madan Singh 1 2 3 who shared Shahu’s* 
captivity in Aurangzib’s camp. The concubine born offspring of Rajput 
nobles, now called Wfg IT^gefs number over a lakh and a half. Champa 
was probably a like the of his late Highness of 

Dewas Junior* ! 1 ! 

1. Madan Singh was the illegitimate son of Shambhuji. The Mughal General Zulfiqar 
Khan had captured the fort of Raigarh in 1689 and seized in it Sbambhuji’s and Rajaram*B 
wives, daughters, sons and other loyal followers including Madan Singh. They were sent to 
Aurangzeb who placed them in captivity. They obtained thBir release after the death of 
Aurangzeb. (Sardesai, Next History of the Marathas, X, 322, 349.) 

2. Shahu. Shambhuji’s son, was born on 18 May 1682 and was captured along with 
others by the Mughal General, Zulfiqar Khan, in the fort of Raigarh in 1689. He was 
released after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 and bis coronation ceremony took place on 
12 January 1708. Though amiable, generous, benign and god-fearing, he lacked the capacity 
for action and loved conciliation. As a matter of fact, his long captivity had denied him any 
opportunity for acquiring knowledge and experience in civil or military administration. 
(Sardesai. New History of the Marathas, I, 349, 350, 351, 354, 336-57 [ II, 11-17, 59, 41, 73, 
78,112.117, 124,129, 168, 174. 177, 184 , 214, 219, 263-67. 273-283; Wain Currents off 
Maratha History, 100-103 109, 116-17. 119, 121-22, 123-24, 126-27 ; Safkar, Short History of 
Aurangxib, 276, 296, 338-39 ; History of Aurangzib, IV, 277 ; V, 203.) 

3. Dewas Junior h a state to the west of Marsingbgarh in ltfadhya Pradesh. The chief of 
theetarte was originally 4rom the true Rajput blood but later on the fateroarriage* with the 
Marathas impaired the purity of the descendants. (Imperial Gazetteer of India., IV, 2?6 J 

SA&fcAR-SA&DfeSAi C0RR6SPGN&ENeB 191* 

9, Badur Bagan Row, 

3 Dec. 1935< 

Malcolm'? P. History and Kaye’s Life of M 2 vols. are in my 
Darjiling library. The first is now useless, — like his Central' India, 
almost entirely out of date. What would be most useful to you for the 
last Maratha War is Prinsep’s Transaction in India during the Govt, of 
Marquis of Hastings, 2nd ed. 2 vols, which also 1 possess. Kaye's Life of 
Malcolm, 2 vols. ... is useful only for the 1817 — 18 war and is not of much 
use for 1803 — 4. 


26 Dec. 1935. 

On the 19th while taking my evening walk, I slipped on a banana 
peel and broke my right knee cap. It has been put in splinters and I have 
been confined to bed for one month, though I can read and write in a 
reclining posture. There is no fever and the case is causing no anxiety. 
(1) I do not want to add a table of contents to my volume. For goodness 
sake let it finally come out of the press (2) To the subsequent volumes 
I shall add a separate preface as General Editor. 

9, Badur Bagan Row, 

30 Dec. 1935. 

I shall be glad to write the life of Ramchandra provided that the 
length of the book is not extended beyond the importance of the subject 
and (this is most important) the exact quantity of the authentic records 
secured. But in this Amatya must trust me. Many years ago a European 
critic called me "a master of the miniature” style of history writing- i.e., 
of the art of putting many things into a small readable compass, where 
nothing of use is omitted. 

Secondly, if I am to do the work, the Amatya must soon send me his 
Persian papers, carefully packed in cardboard, by regd & insured post, 
for me to study them here, as I have plenty of. leisure now. I cannot 
possibly go to Bavda to study or copy- them. No remuneration is expected 
or will be accepted' by me; but supposing that my Life' of R. goes into more 
editions after the. first, a royalty may be paid to me for each edition 
from the second onwards. 



2 Jan., 1936. 

Dear old Joshi is dead I As I opened the Mandal Quarterly his 
face looked at me from the photo with its eternal smile. What a good 
honest simple and loving soul is gone ! 

* * * 

On the question mooted by you (Ramch 1 vs Balaji Vis*), our trouble 
is that after Aur’s death his successors removed to the north, where they 
became involved in Rajput and Sikh revolts and succession wars, so that 
Deccan was totally neglected & the Persian records are almost silent about 
the Marathas till 1724 when the Nizam became independent. But the 
Ahhbarat after 1707 require study. 

19th May, 1936. 

Most of your queries have been answered on pages 5-6 of my ms. e.g., 

• * * 

(6) During 1803 the Peshwa was a non-entity, and the petty intrigues, 
rumours and vain sighs of his courtiers during this momentous war, will 
not go into my volume, as they did not affect the issue of the war in the 
least. You will include a very small selection of them in your 1803-1816 
volume (or volumes.) 

* • * 

(8) Metcalfe was Resident at the Sindhia’s court for eight months 
only (June 1810-Feb 1811), and his biographer Kaye says that records of 
this period of his service “are remarkably scanty" among the Metcalfe 
papers preserved in England (vol. i. p. 321.) Therefore, these must be 
transcribed in full if they are available at Poona 

1* Ram Chandra Nilkanth Amatya was once the Revenue Minister in Shivaji’s 
government. He went out of favour with Shambhuji but was again restored by Rajaram who 
described his services thus : “This Maratha kingdom is a gift from Heaven. Ramchandra 
Pant saved it in its dreadful crisis by carefully picking up the merits and capacities of men, 
inspired them with a spirit of service and devotion and employed them in appropriate spheres.” 
He probably retired or died after 1715. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 215, 
322-323, 330, 334, 343, 348 ; II, 18, 22-23 ; Main Currents of Maratha History, 92.) 

Balaji Vishwanath, a Brahman by caste, probably started hi3 career under Shi vaji. 
He served the state with loyalty and devotion and in appreciation of hi3 services Raja Shahu, 
the Maratha King, appointed him the Peshwa on 17 November 1713. He was a great statesman 
and excellent administrator. He died on 2 April 1720. (Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas , I, 353-54, 355; II, 17-20, 24-26, 41-43, 59-62; Main Currents . of Maratha History* 
102-3, 105, 106, 107, 112-13, 125.) 



22nd June, 1936. 

Enclosed is my report on “Malwa in Transition' 1 and a letter to 
prof. Roberts * If you agree with my estimate of the thesis, please sign 
the report at No 2 and enclosing it (with my covering letter to Roberts) 
in the stamped envelope, paste the flap down with glue and post it. You 
may add anything you like on page 3 of the report (which I have left 
blank for the purpose.) This candidate’s work gives me much hope of his 
future, as a worthy recruit to our campaign of sound historical research. 
He has solved the questions of (a) the date of the death of Daya Bahadur* 
and (b) Nandlal's 4 alleged part in bringing the Marathas to Malwa. One 
date in a volume of the SPD which had baffled me has been corrected by 
this young man with convincing reasons, and he has explained (to me) 
that Chhatra Sal 5 of the printed page is really Chhatra Singh® of Narwar 7 
and not the great Bundela. 

1. This was the subject of the thesis submitted by Maharaj Kumar Dr. Raghuvir Sinh 
of Sitamau for the Degree of D. Litt. in the Agra University. 

2. P. E. Roberts was one of his examiners for this Degree. 

3. Daya Bahadur was the son of Chabela Ram and cousin of Girdhar Bahadur who was 
the Mughal Subehdarof Malwa from 1722 to 1723 and again from 1725 to 1728. Daya Bahadur 
and Girdhar Bahadur both died fighting the Marathas under Chimnaji, Peshwa’s brother, on 
29 November 1728. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , I, 136, 136 f.n. ; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas, II, 66, 83, 101-4; Irvine, Later Mtighals, II, 243-48 ; Raghuvir Sinh, 
Malwa in Transition , 153, 157, 163, 164, 199-207.) 

4. Nandlal was the Mughal Qanungo of the District of Kampel near Indore. (Irvine, 
Later Mughals , II, 244-45, 247-49 ; Raghuvir Sinh, Malwa in Transition , 109, 156, 163 f.n., 
167, 173, 191, 193, 197, 213, 281.) 

5. Born in 1650 Qhhatra Sal was the fourth son of Champat Rai Bundela, the chieftain 
of Mahewa, in eastern Bundelkhand. He first obtained service under Jai Singh, the Mughal 
General, and was created a mansabdar for his gallantry and military efficiency. Disgusted at 
the poor reward he obtained for his services, he left the imperial service, A bold and liberty- 
loving man, he infused the people with patriotic spirit and began to attack the Mughal 
territory. He was an ardent and ambitious man and by sheer dint of his ability and capacity 
for leadership carved out an independent principality for himself in Eastern Malwa. He died 
in 1731 at the age of 81. (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib , III, 30 ; V, 390—99 ; Short History 
of Aurangzib, 405-407 ; Shiva ft, 18C-81 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas • II, 

6. Chhatra Singh Vide Raghuvir Sinh, Malwa in Transition , 250 f. n. 

7. Narwar or Nerwar is a town 44 miles south of Kotah in Madhya Pradesh. Founded 
by a Kachhwaha Raja in 295 A. D., the town now in decadence was once very splendid. 
{Imperial Gazetteer of India , X, 227.) 



4th July, 1926. 

2. The only information about Krishna Savat’s 1 raid into Malwa as 
well as all the Maratha incursions into that province before the death 
of Aurangzib is available from the Persian sources indicated in my 
Aurangzib vol 5. 

* * * 

8. On the Question of the Peshwas’ attitude to the rise of the 
Nagpur Bhonsles as an independent and powerful dynasty — threatening to 
act as a counterpoise to the dynasty of the Peshwa in the Chhatrapati's 
Court — I find the weight of evidence is conclusively in favour of my view. 
What happened in 1718-19 at Delhi is irrelevant, because all of them, 
even Shahu himself, were beggars at the time and it was only the 
Emperor’s recognition that gave stability and prestige to this branch of 
the Chhatrapati. The partition of the respective spheres of the P. & the 
B. a made by Shahu is a proof that they were unfriendly rivals even before 
the regime of Balji Baji Rao. Before 1767 the Bhonsle was more often 
with the Nizam than with the Peshwa in the Maratha — Nizam wars ; it 
is a simple mathematical calculation. 

9th July, 1936. 

My translation of the journal of Bussy’s officer has been made from 
the unpublished French originals, preserved in a ms. at Paris. 


18 July. 1936. 

The Agra University has taken over the affiliating side of the old 
Allahabad University, which latter has now become purely unitary or 
local institution. The standards of the Agra University are the same as 
those of the old Allahabad University. Under the latter, I examined 
Dr. Ishwari Prasad for the D. Litt. and so I know their standard. 

1. Krishna Savat, the Maratha General, raided Malwa in November 1699. “He 
plundered and returned to his home unmolested” (Bhimsen quoted by Sarkar). There is no 
reference about him in the Persian or Marathi sources "except that Bakht Buland, the Rajah 
of Deogarh captured him in April 1699 Ukhbarat).” (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib. V, 382, 
382 f. n.) 

2. P stands for Peshwa, and B for the Bhonsle of Nagpur. 



Raghuvir Sinh’s thesis comes up to the standard of Ishwari P’s thesis, 
with this accidental difference, however, that Ishwari Prasad dealt with 
an unworked field (viz., the First Tughluq ), while portions of Raghuvir’s 
thesis had been previously covered (though briefly) by Irvine and myself. 
But he has exhaustively treated this subject and fully utilised the new 
Marathi materials and made important elucidations of provincial topo- 
graphy and dynastic history. So, the quality of his work is not inferior 
to Ishwari Prasad’s. It is very rarely even in England that a D. Litt 
thesis reaches the supreme level of Bryce’s Holy Roman Empire, and it 
would be unfair to take that classic of scholarship as our criterion either 
in India or even in London. 



Busawan Lai’s Amirnamah is in Persian ms. (I have two copies.) 
Prinsep published an English transln of it (1826) under the title of 
“ Memoirs of A. Kh, a Puthun Soldier of Fortune." This book is 
extremely scarce. It is the best authority from the Indian side on Jaswant 
R. Holkar 1 and affairs in Malwa, Rajp. and the Deccan from 1795 to 1818, 
esp. 1804-1817. 

20th August, 1936. 

Your translation of “Bussy's March on Poona" is remarkably well 
done as regards style. The reading of your introductory paragraphs led 
me to a restudy of the Maratha accounts of it, and I found Purandare 
Daftar vol I of such absorbing interest that I stole a day and a half from 
my work on my third volume and translated the whole of the account of 
this expedition given in Purandare and identified all the places. There is 
one unspeakable joy when one succeeds in tracing every minute movement 
of a campaign on large maps like those that I possess. I had done the 
same thing with regard to the Palkhed campaign three years ago. The 

1. Jaswant Rao HoUrar was an illegitimate son of Tukoji Holkar. He was 
an eternal enemy of Daulat Rao Sindh ia who had had his brother, Malhar Rao 
Holkar, murdered in September 1797. In consequence he ran away from Poona 
and took to a life of lawless plunderer directing his raiding activities chiefly against 
Daulat Rao’s territories. He had a rare genius for military leadership and exhibited 
wonderful powers of organization. But he possessed an impetuous rage and an overbearing 
spirit and more important he was inordinately addicted to drink which shattered his health and 
badly affected his reasoning powers. He died due to insanity on 28 October 1811 at the age of 
30. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 138-140, 165-216 ; Sardesai, New History of 
the Maratha s , III, 331, 363-375, 437-38 ; Main Currents of Maratha History , 197, 204.) 



Peshwa’s roznishi in this work does not agree with that printed in Vad 

* * * 

A memorial meeting in honour of R. R Kale should be held in 
Satara when I go there next. He was a noble soul — the like of which is 
getting rarer day by day. 



20th Oct. 1936. 

I shall take with me a disgusting volume entitled “ The True 
Sevajee" written by a Muhammadan graduate of Aligarh, to show you to 
what lengths malignity and ignorance can go. It is, I consider, the natural 
reaction against the chauvinistic brag of Savarkar — and even Rajwade, 
about the purely imaginary Hindu Pat Padshahi. 

In spite of many distractions and fits of idleness of the brain, I have 
now completed the first four chapters of Vol III of my Fall of the Mughal 
Empire, and hope to write two more before I leave this place, — so as to 
reach the year 1784 and Mahadji’s entry into Delhi politics as the domi- 
nating factor. The style is the thing that has given me most trouble, and 
not the facts. I long racked my brain over the problem how to make this 
sickening story of decadence intrigue and misery readable to the modern 
world. But the back of the difficulty has been broken, thanks to judicious 
omission, arrangement and turning round things; and the rest of the 
volume will be more speedily written. 


1st Nov., 1936. 

During the last few days I have fully worked through Mahadji 
Sindhia’s Lalsont 1 campaign of May — July 1787 and clearly settled every 
date and movement to the minutest point— also the conversations in the 
respective camps 1 It is a great satisfaction. 

7 D, Rammohan Saha Lane, 
Beadon Str P. O., 

9th Nov. 1936. 

Most unfortunately, strict orders have come from the Govt, of 

1. Lalsont or I^alsot is a very large village thirty miles south-east of Jaipur in Rajasthan, 
(Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , III, 366,) 



India that all the records in the I.R.O. [Imperial Record Office] at Calcutta 
must be packed up without fail before Christmas next and sent to Delhi. 
The Calcutta office will be totally closed at the end of this year and reopen 
at New Delhi on 15th Feb. next. Farewell to our dream of transcribing 
these records cheaply for filling up gaps in the Alienation office papers. 


12th January 1937. 

When you go to Hyderabad, please count the Persian sanads of the 
Adilshah (Shahji, Shivaji and others unconnected with them) that 
Khurshid Ali has collected, and report the number only to me. His clerks 
can easily copy them for me, or what is better still, that rich Government 
can photo them for my use. I have received from him two sheets of 
photostats of the ms. Masir-i-N izami. 

* * * 

I have recently bought a fine large scale map of the Talikota 1 2 region 
which illuminates the whole campaign. It is a pity I did not buy it before 
our visit to Mudevihal* &c., as it would have been most serviceable. In 
future we must take such maps with us on our tours of exploration. 

[ The following note was sent by Sarkar to Sardesai for despatch. 



Dear Sir, 

May I draw your attention to the fact that a passage in your play, 
"The Rani of Jhansi”, (which I quote below) has caused pain to many in 
our country, being, so far as my knowledge goes, unsupported by 
evidence ? 

The reminiscences of the British officers who fought against her, — 
Lowe, Sylvester and Duberly (this last in his wife’s book), — make no 
aspersion on her morality, though it was a time when racial passions were 
roused to the extreme point, and Mrs. Duberly often conversed with 
Sir Hugh Rose during the Rani’s last days. The Rani's lawyer, J. Long, 
in his "Wanderings in India" (reprinted from Dicken’s Household Words), 
describes his interview with her, but does not call her a wanton. Her 

1. Talikot is situated in Muddebibal sub-division of the Bijapur District in Bombay. The 
battle of Talikot in which the Vijyanagar Empire was shattered by the Muslims was fought to 
the right of the town on 25 January 1565. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, XIII, 167.) 

2. Madenihal or Muddebihal is 40 miles south-east of Bijapur town in the Bijapur 
District of Bombay. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, 525.) 


two contemporaries, Kaye and Malleson, and T. Rice Holmes (the author 
of the best book on the Mutiny) do not breathe a syllable against her 
character in this respect. 

It is true that G. W. Forrest wrote in his “ History of the Indian 
Mutiny ” (Vol. III. p. 282), as late as 1912 

"The Ranee of Jhansi was an ardent, daring, licentious woman ; but 
he quotes no authority for his last epithet, nor does he give a list of the 
works from which he drew his information. And, strangely enough, the 
volume of State papers to which this History was written by Forrest as 
the introduction, viz., u Mutiny Papers preserved in the Military Depart- 
ment of the Government of India ,” vol. IV. Central India,— does not 
contain a single line throwing doubt on the sexual morality of the Rani. 
What then was the basis of Forrest’s allegation, an allegation he is alone 
in making ? 

Few Europeans know that all Brahmin women in Maharashtra have 
moved about unveiled and in public, spoken to and served food to strangers, 
from time immemorial, and that only the castes that claim to be Kshatriyas 
seclude their women, in imitation of the Rajputs. The ladies of several 
Peshwas were known to have ridden on horsebacks in the public streets 
and travelled like the men to camps, battlefields and pilgrim shrines. This 
does not really mean that any such woman was a brazen hussy, as a 
European, familiar with the universal seclusion of women in Northern 
India and among the Muhammadans, would be apt to imagine. This mistake, 
I venture to think, is at the root of Lowe s remark, The Jezebel of India 
was there, — the young, energetic, proud, unbending, uncompromising 
Ranee”. ( Central India during 1857-58, p. 236.) 

If on a review of the evidence you see the justice of my contention, 
I am sure you will do the necessary correction in your play, for it is 
impossible for me to believe that you would willingly give pain to any 
body by making an unsupported statement about a historical character, 
[especially when your reading of the Rani’s career is otherwise so faultless 
& creditable. — added by Sardesai. £d.] 

My only apology for troubling you on this point is that I have been 
a lifelong student of Maratha history and have edited for the Bombay 
Government 45 volumes of selections from the historical records of the 
Peshwas and am now working, as joint-editor with Sir Jadunath Sarkar, 
on the English records of the same Government, once belonging to the 
Poona Residency. 

Yours truly 
G. S. Sardesai 

(Sign in full) 




The second volume of gleanings from the Parasnis mss in the Satara 
Museum is of supreme importance. It must be published soon and edited 
by you, in spite of the labour it would involve on an overworked old man 
like you. But, remember nobody else can do this work even half so well 
as you. What a great pity that this discovery of Sivdeve’s letters was not 
made when you were rearranging Parasnis’s five Gwalior volumes, so that 
these new letters could have been inserted in their places in the chrono- 
logical order ! 

25th Jany. 1937. 

The correspondence of Asaf Jah I. with Shahu was in Persian and 
never in Marathi. No separate correspondence with Baji Rao (still less 
with Balaji Vishwanath) was, as I believe, ever entered into by Asaf Jah. 
I possess most of Asaf Jah’s letters to Shahu and one reply, all in Persian, 
including a letter in which Baji Rao is praised for his assistance at Sakar- 
Kheda (1724) ; also the Nizam’s account (entirely misleading) of the 
Palkhed campaign written to a friend. 

18th March, 1937. 

You write that "the Marathas considered the Nizam as their 

vassal ever since Palkhed". My opinion is that if the Peshwa thought 

so, he was labouring under a hallucination. What the treaty after 
Palkhed secured was a formal promise by the Nizam that he would loyally 
carry out the terms of the grant of his master (the Emperor) to Balaji 
Vishwanath in 1719 at Delhi, and not something new exhorted by Baji Rao 
I in 1927, — viz. the Chauth 1 2 3 and Sardesm* of the Deccan Subahs, which 
the Nizam would collect and pay through his own officers on condition 
of the Marathas not entering these six subahs. This is not vassalage. If 
the Nizam was a Maratha vassal, why did he sign the Tripartite Treaty* 

1. The Chauth or one-fourth of the estimated revenue was a tribute exacted by the 
Marathas from the territories and municipalities which they conquered or partially subjugated. 
More often than not they also levied Chauth on territories which they merely overran. 
(Sardesai, Main Currents of Maratha History % 80-82.) 

2. Sardeshmukhi was a kind of revenue ownership. (For details see Sardesai, Main 
Currents of Maratha History , 86-99.) 

3. The Tripartite treaty was concluded at Poona on 1 June 1790 but Nizam Ali, the 
Nawab of Hyderabad, put his signature on the treaty on 4 July. 

205 jAdunaTh SA&fcAfe c0mm£m5raTion Volume 

as an equal of the English Co. and the Peshwa ? Why did the Peshwa 
solicit (and not command) his co-operation in the Maratha projects against 
Tipu or the English ? I wonder that a cool-headed man like you do not 
see how Maratha chauvinists like Rajwade and Savarkar make themselves 
ridiculous by making such absurd boasts about Hindu Pat Padshahi, 
paramountcy &c. 

15th April, 1937. 

During the last three days I worked through Dongre’s ed. of the 
Chandrachud papers ; the papers are mostly of first rate importance, but 
the editing — a rather total absence of editing — is disgraceful. Every date 
is wrong ; dates of writing or dates of arrival are given indiscriminately at 
the top without informing the reader in every case what it really signifies. 
What a pity that nobody can make a fresh search through the 30 or 40 
Chandra-Chud rumals at the Mandal and try to recover the missing sheets 
of the letters printed as ; I am sure they are there, just as I have 
discovered the missing sheets of many of the 5. P. D. letters in other 
volumes of the same series. 

I spent a couple of days, correcting the dates in Dongre’s volume. 
Necessarily, the inquest took me through the first volume of the 
Maheshwar D. Bat ami patren, which also I corrected laboriously. In the 
result, my admiration for Ahalya Bai now knows no bound. We had so long 
been honouring her as a devi, i.e., a pious Hindu lady, who lived a simple 
abstemious life though enjoying queenly rank and income, built many 
temples, ghats &c., and gave away vast sums and tracts of land in charity. 
But now I see, and can prove it by documentary evidence, that she was 
a first rate statesman. That was why she so staunchly supported Mahadji 
Sindhia ; like draws to like. But for her co-operation, — even patronage — 
to Mahadji in his first stage, he could not have attained to that eminent 
success in North Indian politics. The social atmosphere of that age now 
appears vividly before my mind’s eye. What a tremendous sensation the 
conferment of the Regency of' Delhi ( mukhtari ) on Mahadji created in 
the Hindu world of the South. What enormous caravans of pilgrims, — 
10,000 or 5,000 persons — started for the “three tirthas’’, now that they were 
in the hands of “our friend’s friends” the English. All the while the spider 
at Poona was sitting idly and casting envious eyes at Mahadji’s progress, 
setting spies on him to report the exact amount of his gains at Aligarh or 
$he Delhi Khas mahal lands, and not moving a finger to help him in his 


need, nor venturing to openly declare against him ! This is extolled by 
the Khare school as of the highest order ! f ! 


8th June, 1937. 

The ocean of Marathi despatches for the very significant years 
1786-1792 has almost drowned me. But I have already corrected Parasnis’s 
dates and the rest is plain sailing. I now fully realise the inner working, 
the wheel within wheel, of Maratha affairs in the north, thanks to my 
collection of Marathi, Persian and English records in an exhaustive 
manner. I can now see how lonely, and yet how great Mahadji was. 
These unknown facts must be detailed in my book. 

What was the name of Visaji Krishna’s 1 son, 2 who acted as amil of 
Panipat 1771-72 ? Was Sadashiv Dinkar (Nana’s spy in Sindhia’s camp) 
a Chitpavan ? 


23rd June, 1937. 

Yesterday I finished revising and adding notes and references to 
the copy of the 1st six chapters of my Vol 3 (z.e., from Jan 1770 to Dec. 
1784) and felt at the end of the sustained labour as if some one had beaten 
all the muscles of my back and sides with a stick for hours together. The 
subject also is extremely depressing — not a single noble character or 
heroic exploit to relieve the gloom of that story of intrigue [,] murder and 

Now with Mahadji Sindhia as W akil-i-mutlaq I have entered on 
better ground and hope to advance smoothly and more quickly to 1792, at 
which date this volume will end. 


18th Aug. 1937. 

At last after a long long while I have a letter from your pen... 

I can now understand your real condition. In view of the terrible effect 

1. Visaji Krishna Binivale was a Maratha commander. He distinguished himself in 
various campaigns and was appointed the commander of the Maratha forces in Hindustan ft 
April 1771. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , III, 13. 32-35, 62-85 ; Sardesai* New 
History of the Marathas, II, 301, 331, 509, 511, 516-17 ; III, 30, 38 43.) 

2. Visaji’s son Mahipat built a temple with a Persian inscription outside the city of 
Panipat. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , III, 35 f. n.) 



of the least irregularity in the daily operations of your body and any 
discomfort on journeys on your mental and physical condition, we must 
put an end to our beloved historical excursions. Adieu to Tanjore and 

Penukonda 1 2 1 1 shall meet you at Bombay or Talegaon* (bee. Kamshet 

may be a quiet 3TTSW but dreadfully lonely, and you require mental 
relaxation, suitable conversation or the frolics of children to cheer your 

last days in this Vale of Tears 

I am a full year behind the programme of my 3rd volume. I had 
finished & copied for the press half the book, six chapters (filling about 
256 pages in print) and sent them to the press two months ago. 96 pages 
had been already printed. But six weeks ago I received Persian akhbarat 
(1779-1787) from the British Museum covering 1,600 pages of ms. which 
has put a new phase on the history of the period covered and created a 
revolution in the estimate of Mirza Najaf Kh. 3 and his Regency of the 
Delhi Empire, so that the last two of these six chapters have to be 
scrapped up and new ones written in their places ! Four months of hard 
labour are gone and at least six weeks of fresh writing is in store for me. 


17th Sep. 1937, night. 

Now for yourself. I can easily understand how you have been 
fretting and pining at your enforced inactivity, for the last three or four 
months. But remember your age, your life of strenuous exertion (not 
merely in the routine duties of an official, but in a thousand and one 
fields for promoting historical research in others), and the obstinate 
character of the malady 

* * * 

1. The town and the fort of Penukonda are 40 miles south of the Anantapur town in the, 
Andhra State. The town contains a number of Hindu and Muslim remains which bear 
testimony to the greatness which once it enjoyed. < Imperial Gazetteer of India, XI. 135.) 

2. Talegaon is 21 miles north-west of Poona in Bombay and it is situated on the Poona- 
Kalyan railway line. It is a notable sanitorium 

3. Mirza Najaf Khan belonged to a Persian family and was born at Isfahan in 1737. The 
Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II appointed him the Regent Plenipotentiary in November 1779 
and he served in this capacity till his death on 6 April 1782. He was a great statesman and 
shrewd diplomat, but ever since his appointment as the Regent of the Empire he had indulged 
in excessive licentiousness which di-graced hi3 character and the administration. "He fills a 
large place in the memory of the Delhi historian," says Sir J. N. Sarkar. "only because he was 
the great Muslim minister of the Mughal Empire". (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, III, 
38—45, 183—230 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , 226.) 



Arc you allowed to read, or is it feared that in your present state of 
weakness any brain exertion would cause giddiness ? If you like to have 
fairly pleasant reading, I shall send you Fisher’s History of Europe , a 
masterpiece, which I have bought as a birthday gift for you 

* * * 

M. Martin’s Wellesley Despatches , Vol. 5, p. 405 (Palmer 1 to 
Wellesley, Poona, 27 June 1800) shows that W. ordered Palmer to be 
supplanted by Webbe, for not being a zabardast resident and for his 
having failed to drive the Peshwa into accepting the subsidiary vassalage. 

Another letter (p. 407) shows that Palmer was resident on 21 Oct. 

13th Oct. 1937. 

In view of your age and long life of strenuous work, you will not, 
I feel sure, fret against this enforced idleness under medical advice. Nor 
should you regard yourself as “crippled for the rest of your life.” 
Remember the old Hindu ideal : qwaft sfalfrRm. After all, a man 
is not a machine. Why should he go on revolving and buzzing till the 
metallic parts fly asunder ? 

P. 169, Southern Avenue, 
Kali ghat P. O., 

9th March 1938. 

May I suggest that it would be better for you to take the ms. of your 
British Riyasat *with you to Darjiling and discuss matters and utilise my 
rich library of rare books, before finally submitting it to the printers ?... 

* * * 

Bhau’s plan to have a large library installed at Kamshet is the 
sweetest news I have had for years. Let the books be all select, and 
learned, esp. classics, histories, biographies and varied dictionaries ; other- 
wise it cannot become an ashram for scholars. No novels. 

1. William Palmer was the British Resident at Poona from 24 March 1798 to 7 December 
1801. (Sardesai, J New History of the Marathas, III, 327—28.) 




31st March, 1938. 

Kumar Raghuvir Sinh writes : — "I have completely examined the 
akhbarats of Bahadur Shah’s 1 2 reign (1707-12) and find that they 
greatly supplement and correct the history of the period. This was a 
period of comparative inactivity in the Deccan. Local disturbances 
of various Maratha lawless men were mainly restricted to a few 
places and were personal affairs” — (i e. t from the point of view of the 
Delhi Govt.) 

'‘The Akhbarats of Farrukh-Siyar’s* reign have been examined, and 

all the notes are ready If Sardesai Sahib could spend a week here on 

his way to or from Darjiling, he will, I believe, be able to do great work, 
and it will be a great pleasure to me to see all the notes examined by him. 
My munshi will give him more details from the original (Persian ms) 

12th July, 1938. 

I left Jaipur on the 5th inst, almost killed by the heat. The work of 
sorting the records and copying the more important ones in Persian and 
Hindi, which, after having been started by me in 1924, had been stagnating 
since 1930, has been given a fresh impetus under my recent instructions. 
A second and longer visit will be paid in the latter half of October 
next. They have only six documents in Marathi (Modi) numbered in 
“Kapatdwara Register,” Nos. 1508-1513, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and sixth being 
from Rajah Sahu and the 4th and fifth from Khande Rao. 3 

* * * 

1. Muhammad Muazzam enthlrd Bahadur Shah was born on 4 October 1643. After the 
death of Aurangzeb on 20 February 1707 Muazzam won the throne after the bloody battle of 
Jajau with his brother Azam. He, then 64 years old, ruled for five years during which time 
not his ability but the prestige of his father held the empire. Bahadur Shah, though a kind 
and generous ruler, possessed an ineffective personality and he justly earned the nickname of 
(Shah-t-Bekhabar) the “Heedless King.” He died in February 1712. (Sarkar, House of 
Shivajt , 46 — 60 ; Gupta, Studies in Later Mughal History of the Panjab , 15.) 

2. Muhammad Farrukh Siyar was the second son of Azim-ush-shan and was born at 
Aurangabad on 11 September 1683. He was :C youth of thirty at the time of his accession. He 
was a thorough weakling and bad no resolution, no constancy and no deci&ion. In 1719 he was 
first blinded and afterwards strangled to death by the famous Sayyid Brothers. (Irvine, 
Later Mughals , I, 198—99, 391—94, 396—398.) 

3. Khande Rao Dhabade who was made the Senapati by Raja Shahu on 11 January 1717 
had served the Maratha State loyally since the reign of Rajaram and had risen to this position 
by sheer dint of his merit and ability. He died on 27 September 1729. (Sardesai* New 
History of the Marathas , I. 341 ; III, 37, 38, 44, 61, 65, 71, 74, 122.) 


Enclosed are some details for correcting the sketch of Resident 
Wm. Palmer’s Life in your Poona Residency volume (vol vi.) 

25th July, 1938. 

I feel quite fresh, though my literary work is advancing slowly ; 
indeed, I feel a sort of Oriental languor, or senile decay, already over- 
coming me ; the brain refuses to do anything fresh or striking ! ! ! 

169, Southern Avenue, 


24th Oct. 1938. 

I have received here Tikekar’s packet containing my drafts of the 
daily reports, and I shall soon take in hand a regular report of the Kamshet 
History Meet for printing. The printing will be done here out of our 
subscribed fund,— after revision by you. 

This meet or intellectual and domestic reunion — will long remain 
a cherished memory with all of us. 

169, Southern Avenue, 


31 Oct 1938. 

I am now pushing ahead with the remaining portion of my 3rd 
volume, namely the restoration of Mahadji to power at Delhi from July to 
Dec 1788. 

169, Southern Avenue, 
Calcutta, K., 

23rd Nov. 1938. 

It is useless to visit Sindh. I have received half a dozen letters from 
the overflowing and gushing pen of Gope Gur Bax on the “records” there. 
These are no records in the true sense of the term (except very recent 
ones of 1840-45 or even later, — a subject well-known from printed books 
and parliamentary papers.) The rest are illuminated Persian manuscripts, 
already available elsewhere. 



I have been astounded to receive a letter from Mr. Munshi, asking 
me as a Foundation Member to raise subscriptions in my province ! 
Touting for subscriptions is an art unknown to me ; I practised it only 
once in my life to help the Peshwas’ Daftar business to pass through its 
last year. How can I demand from Bengalis subscriptions for an edu- 
cational institution in Bombay which will teach in Hindi (or Gujrati) and 
deal mostly with Sanskritic studies for which there are plenty of 
indigenous colleges and a fully equipped anglicised special Department 
under the University in Bengal ? If this be the idea at the back of the 
ex-novelist -politician's mind, I had better resign. 


P.S. 17th Feb. 1939. 

The highest British judicial opinion todSy is that the charge of 
forgery against Nand Kumar 1 2 3 was never proved by the evidence, and that 
Impey* in his charge to the jury inferred Nand Kumar’s guilt from the fact 
that certain allegations made by him were proved to be unfounded. This 
was misdirection to the jury on the part of Hasting’s bosom friend and 
quite illegal. 


30th March, 1939. 

I fully realise the importance of publishing ElphinstoneV despatches. 

1. Nand Kumar, born in the Murshidabad District, first saw service as the revenue 
collector of Parganas Hijli and Moisadal. About 1756 he served as the Governor of Hughli 
and was made the Maharaja by the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam about 1764. Soon after- 
wards, he was appointed the Collector of Burdwan, Nadia and Hughli by the East India 
Company. In March 1775 he brought serious charges against Warren Hastings, but was him- 
self prosecuted in April for hatching a conspiracy. His trial aroused extraordinary interest 
and while this case was still undecided, he was sentenced to death for forgery in another case 
and was hanged on 5 August 1775. ( Cambridge History of India , V, 146, 169, 174, 209, 210, 
232-4, 235-39, 246 ; Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography , 319-20.) 

2. Impey, Sir Elijah, was born in 1732 and came to India in 1774 when he was knighted 
and appointed the chief justice of Bengal. He held this office till 1789. He sentenced Nand 
Kumar to death for forgery in 1775. He died in 1809. (Concise Dictionary of National 
Biography , 670.) 

3. Elphinstone, Mountstuart, was the British Resident at Poona from 28 February 1811 
to 3 June 1818 when he became the first Governor of Bombay. He held this office till 1827 and 
on his retirement declined to become the Governor General of India. He was the author of 
History of India and An Account of the Kingdom of CaubuU 2 vols. He died in 1859 at 
the age of 80. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, III, 328 ; Concise Dictionary of 
National Biography , 401.) 

SarkAr-3arde$ai CORRESPONDENCE 20? 

minutes and other official writings in a complete and corrected form. The 
small volume edited by Prof. G. W. Forrest as his first work, is marred by 

many gross misprints, which make it unfit for use by scholars But 

I shall heartily support the proposal to get the missing Elphinstone 
papers copied at Bombay, and I shall formally move the C. C. D. and the 
Prime Minister shortly. 


30 March, 1939. 

2. As far the History of India, I have no hope of any progress being 
achieved, unless the full cost for the first three years — including the 
writer’s honoraria and the printing charge — is collected and deposited 
in a bank before a single line is written or arranged to be written. I 
have had too long an experience of our patriots’ self-sacrifice, "service of 
mother India,” Brahmacharya labours and that class of political slogans to 
rely on mere words and waste my precious time. Jaychandra relied on 
Rajendra Prasad to collect the money through his political influence, and 
only a small sum has been collected and a few thousand Rs provided for the 
purpose in the next Bihar Budget by Dr. Mahmud, the Ed. Minister. 
Munshi has proved the closest imitator of Madan Mohan Malaviya as a 
"dealer in wind” — qi? 'Wl^T. 

3. So, I have decided (1) to resign from the Bombay Vidya Mandir 
Committee as soon as Jaychandra leaves it, or in December next at the 
latest, and (2) to issue a press communique in January 1940 that the 
Benares scheme having made no progress at all in two full years, I have 
thus publicly washed my hands of it. 

12th May, 1939. 

Recently I have received many absolutely contemporary letters 
written by officers of Kumar Ram Singh 1 at Agra describing Shivaji’s visit 
to Aurangzib, his captivity and flight with full details from inside infor- 
mation and reports of Shivaji’s conversation put down immediately after 

1. Kumar Ram Singh was the agent of his father, Mirza Raja Jai Singh, at Aurangzeb's 
Court. Due to Shivaji’s escape from captivity at Agra in 1666 he fell out of favour with the 
Emperor who sent him to fight in Assam, where the poor fellow died of plague. (Sarkar, 
Shiva ji, 136, 138-39, 141-43, 146, 151 ; House of Shivaji , 129, 144, 148-49 ; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas , 1, 166, 178, 180.) 


and a long description of his personal appearance. I have illuminated the 
Purandar 1 2 3 * * * * campaign, Panipat and Lalsot, aud now I shall do the same for 
"Shiva ji and Aurangzib”, 


17 June 1939. 

I have just finished correcting (and in some cases supplying) the 
dates of the letters (all in Dingal) from the Jaipur Court agents during 
the eventful year 1666 which reached me yesterday. They are not super- 
fluous, but tell us hitherto unknown facts in great detail about 

(1) Shivaji’s conversations with Ram S. during his captivity, 

(2) The torturing of the Brahman Joshis by Fulad Kh* Kotwal to 
make them falsely implicate Ram S. in Shiva’s flight 

(3) The adventures of Paramanand, 8 who in going back from Agra, 
was arrested in Jaipur territory, 

(4) Aurangzib’s varying attitude to Ram S. and— what is most funny, 

(5) Aurangzib’s disposal of the "left luggage” of Shiva seized at Agra 
after his flight. The pious Emperor would not touch the property of the 
infidel rebel, but gave it away (including camels, tents, &c) to the Qazi ! 



P.S. The Kumar has paid me Rs 250/- This, with my subs, of Rs 200/- 
makes Rs 450/- received by me for the Kamshet Week publications. Out 

1. The fortress of Purandhar is 20 miles south-east of Poona. It is a double fort with an 
independent and strong sister enclosure named Vajragarh. Both are situated on the ridge of 
the hill. Fortified by Hasan Gangu in 1350 A. D. it passed into the hands of Maloji, the 
grandfather of Shivaji during the reign of Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. It was twice captured 
by Aurangzeb in 1665 and 1670. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , IX, 29 7-98 ; Sarkar, History 
of Aurangzib, IV. 82.) 

2. Fulad Khan was the police prefect of Agra. He was an Abyssinian and was a very 
strict officer. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 145, 147; House of Shivaji, 148-49; Short History of 
Aurangzib, 203; History of Aurangzib', IV, 106; Sardesai , New History of the Marathas, 
I, 174.) 

3. Paramanand was the court poet of Shivaji and the author of Shiva Bharat , a Sanskrit 

eipic. He is first mentioned at Agra in July 1666. Probably he was placed under detention 

on 23 August aud finally brought back to Chandangaon on 26 December 1666. “There is no 

iurther news in the Jaipur letters about the poet Permanaud.” (Sarkar, Shivaji, 394; 

Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 53, 54, 74, 179.) 

SARKAR-SARDESAI correspondence 20$ 

of this amount I am meeting the charges of subsidising the theses of 
H R. Gupta and A. L. Srivastav and the full cost of our Report. 

169, Southern Avenue, 
Calcutta, K, 

28th, June, 1939. 

The second Sanskrit letter from Shambhuji’s Court to Ram S, is, 
I find, quite correctly transcribed ; your difficulty was in reading the 
N. Indian Balbodh 

* * * 

In a couple of months I shall send to the press (and print rapidly in 
two months) a companion volume to my Studies in Mughal India entitled 
“The House of Shivaji ''— or “Studies and Documents in Maratha History, 
royal period”. It will include translations of the Purandar Campaign 
despatches of J. S (discovered by me in Paris & partly published in Mod 
Rev) and the best of the new Jaipur letters on the visit to Agra (1666), 
besides a full study of Shivaji’s History from the Persian & Eng. records. 


4th Aug. 1939. 

Kishan Singh was the only son of Rajah Ram Singh of Amber (the 
eldest son of Mirza Rajah Jai S. I.) This young man, when serving in the 
imperial army near Parenda was fatally stabbed by an Afghan named 
Dilir ( — not the celebrated general Dilir Kh) and died on 10th April 
1682. The cause was a quarrel about a woman. But, as usual, the 
Rajputs ascribed the murder to the secret instigation of Aurangzib, as 
they did the natural death of Prithvi Singh 1 2 , the only son of Jaswant Singh* 
of Jodhpur who died before his father when serving in Afghanistan. 
(See Tod, Annals of Marwar .) 

1. After the departure of Maharaja Jaswant Singh to Jamrud, Aurangzeb sent an urgent 

call to Prithvi Singh to repair to Court. He obeyed the imperial order and was invested with a 
robe of honour by the Emperor. “That day was his last 1— he was taken ill soon after reaching 
his quarters, and expired in great torture, and to this hour his death is attributed to the poisoned 
robe of honour presented by the king" and “this mode of being rid of enemies is firmly believed 
by the Rajpoots, ”, (James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan , II, 40.) 

2. Jaswant Singh was the son of Raja Guj of Marwar. In the middle of 1671 Aurangzeb 
appointed him the thanadar of Jamrud outpost where he died fighting on 10 December 1678* 
Sir J. N. Sarkar says, "Unhappy was the man who put faith in Maharaja Jaswant Singh • lord 
of Marwar and chieftain of the Rathor clan. 1 ’ (Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib, 160; 
History of Aurangzib. II, 170-71; 111, 228, 325 ; James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of 
Rajasthan , II, 33, 36-43.) 



Youx paperon Paramanand would be quite valuable^ Give hia whole 
life and family history, as reconstructed by- you from Kolhapur information; 
and the Jaipur records. 

* * m 

I am over four months behind my old programme of work. The 
Jaipur< History has reached only the end of Sawai Jai S’s 1 career (1743), 
except that the very important and difficult chapter on his astronomical 
works and capital remains to be written. Thereafter, it will be plain, 
sailing upto 1803, as I have already worked through Kachhwa — Marathar 
relations. An immense mass of new records is being sent to me from Jaipur 
even now, — e.g., Akhbarat of 1663, 1680, 1717-18, &c. In fact, I have had 
to reconstruct the entire career of Sawai Jai S. which was formerly quite 
dark. Not one line has been yet written of the Gosavi’s book 

169, Southern Avenue, 

23rd Aug, 1939. 

I have recently received from Jaipur more akhbarat of Aurangzibs 
reign, commencing only a few days after Shivaji’s flight from Agra, the 
most interesting news from which has been summarised in the annexed 
paper, — which please return to me as soon as you can copy it. This son, 
horn to Shiwaji in Sept 1666, must have died in infancy, because Shombhuji 

and Rajaram were born in other years. 

* * * 

The immense amount of labour that had to be devoted to correctly 
dating, sorting, annotating and— often summarising — the Jaipur mass- of 
records, has retarded all my other work, including the revision of the 
Hindi translation of my Sbivaji which is going to be printed at Bombay. 
My Jaipur history came to a stop at the year 1725 about three weeks ago, 
but I am resuming my pen from today. 

28th Aug. 1939. 

Monsieur A. Lehuraux (lately a high officer of Ralli Brothers) it 

t, Swal Jai Slogh succeeded to the throne ot Jaipur State on 3 February 1700. Fighting- 
under the Mugbtcl banner he distinguished himself in numerous campaigns nod built far* 
himself a reputation for gallantry and leadership. He also served as the governor of Malwa. 
He was a bemga^geoeraus and popular, ruler and introduced many a reform. He patronise! 
sprt and learning, ead was particularly interested in astronomy. He built the f amo us Junta i* 
mamta% at Delhi*. He died on 23 September 1743 at the age of 53* (Sardesai, Nsw» History 
of thsHarathas* U, 34. 37* 101-103. 111-12* 141-42, 143. 148-31. 199, 233; James Tod* IrtirrTr 
and Antiquitin of Rajasthan* II. 288 ; Sarkar to Sardesai, 24. 3. 41.) 


it Poona (cb Mrs. Clarke, 18, Napiesr Road, Wanowrie). He is 
visiting the Alienation Office, in search of information relating to— 

<1) ^identification of the French tombs at Poona,— on the Sankarseth 
Road, on Ghorpuri Lines and in Gharpir cemetery. (“Are there any 
accords, of these burials, and where shall I find them 

(2) Despatches of the Resident at Hyderabad to the G. G. re 
the disbandment of the Nizam’s French Corps raised by Raymond. (I know 
these are in the Poona Residency files, already typed.) 

(3) Correspondence bet the Resident at Poona and the G. G. 
relating to the events which led up to the battle of Harapsar 1 (25 Oct. 1802) 
—also the names of the European & Goan officers in the camps of Hollcax. 
Sindhia & the Peshwa in that battle. Dudrenec fought on Holkar’s side. I 
am here stranded far away from my Darjiling Library. Please search in 
Khare’s volumes for the names of the officers concerned and the burials 
Of any information is available on the latter point.) 


8 Sep. 1939. 

Can you induce Gosavi Dattagir to release me from my agreement to 
write the history of his order, for which he has advanced Rs 2,000 to me? 
I shall repay him this amount, plus interest at one % per annum (the Bank 
pays me only i p. c.) and Rs 2-8 as the cost of the stamp on my agreement 
if he will give me quittance. He is not alone, but has dragged in (or has 
been compelled to coopt with himself) a number of other Gosavis, who are 
not sensible people like him, and I now perceive (with disgust) that they 
wish that I should somehow or other give my opinion that Shankaracharya 
lived before Christ and not in 800 A.D. He had originally Cue., 5 years 
Ago) asked me to write the history of the fighting monks (Nagas or 
Gosavis) — a matter of pure history, to which I had agreed ; but now Cue., 
in Jan. last) when they made the actual agreement, they asked for a 
history of the religion & of the banking houses of the order in addition ! 
It would be. a blessing to me if I can be released from this prison. 

10th Oct. 1939. 

I have found that more Dingal newsletters of 1666, which the Jaip ur 
people . had wrongly dated 1766 ! 

• J, Hadayear or Harapear is a neighbouring village of Slagarh <Kondanett) ’wfetah 
8 miles south of Poona in the Bombay State. (Sardesai, Sw History of ihs Uarmtkos. 
front p age m ap— and IH, 375.) 

f fr 


No. 298, written from Delhi on 19th Nov. 1666 Deccan newsletters 
have just reached the Emperor to the effect that it has been learnt from 
the spies sent out (by Mirza Rajah) that Shiva' slipped out of here (really 
Agra) at midnight and reached his fort in 25 days. His son, who was with 
him, died on the way. There (in Shivaji’s fort) another son has been born 
to him. Shiva remained for one day prostrated ( with fatigue or grief ? ) 
and afterwards became strong again And he has now some 
other illness. Mirza Rajah’s army has reached Bid 1 * 3 . 

No. 297. — written from Agra, 23 Aug. 1666 : — 

That day Kavishwar Paramanand of Shivaji alighted at Dausa* along 


Elephants male & female 2 

Sukhpal 2 

Camels 2 

Horse 1 

Infantry 40 

Bullocks 2 

Paramanand is falsely declaring that Shivaji had bestowed on him the 
female elephant with the hawda on it. 

The bullock loads of clothing are being searched. 

Please send me the abstract from the additional Dingal akhbarat 
about Shivaji’s flight 

P. 62, Lansdowne Road Extension 
Kalighat P. O.. 


Don’t come to hold the Sarkar Funeral* celebrations on the 10th of 
this month here, in your present state of health. 

P. 62, Lansdowne Road Extension, 
Kalighat P.O.. 


12 th Dec. 1939, night. 

This year I preside over the Session of the Records Commission. 

I. Bid or Bir or Bhir is a town situated 68 miles east of Abmaduagar. (Sarkar, Shtvajt, 


3. Dausa or Data was ooce the capital of the former Jaipur State. It is 38 miles east 
of Jaipur in Rajasthan, It contains many Hindu temples and ancient buildings. {Imperial 
Gassttser of India, IV, 161.) 

3. This refers to the proposed Jadunath’s birthday celebrations by 6. S. Sardeeai. 



Another year is passing with me in the Chair but not you by my side. 
However, I do not grieve at it ; your health is our supreme consideration. 

P. 62, Lansdowne Road Extension, 
Kalighat P.O., 


[Date not Given] 

Need I go to Kamshet for giving the finishing touches to the 
new edition of the S. P. D ? As all my Gazetteers, notes and Persian 
mss will be in Calcutta soon, every little question that arises can be easily 
solved and every reference promptly supplied in my library,- whereas at 

Kamshet I shall be like a soldier without his arms. 

* * * 

One essential point is to secure Pissurlencar’s corrections about dates 
and facts in the Bassein and Jinjera 1 volumes. But he is such a busy man 
that I despair of getting this work out of him. You can however write to 
him to lend you his own set of these volumes marked with the corrections 
he noted down on them while reading. After transcribing this corrections 
you will return his volumes to him. That seems to be the only way to 
have the benefit of his specialist knowledge without encroaching upon his 

• * * 

What was the exact equivalent in English pounds of one Khandi* of 
Shivaji’s time ? Wilson gives the Puna Khandi as 20 maunds of 25 lbs 
each, total -00 lbs. 

P. 62, Lansdowne Road Extension, 
Kalighat P.O., 


4th Jany. 1940. 

The arrangement and correction of the S.P.D. will take a long time 
no doubt. But I do not see why we two together cannot finish the 
important and essential portion of the task in a fortnight in my library 

1., Jinjira was a small Muslim State held by the Abyssinian Nawabs with an area of 
323 sqnare miles situated on the western coast of India. It was divided into two portions by 
the Rajpuri Gulf. Now it has been merged in Bombay. There is also a town of the same 
name in this State. 44 miles south of Bombay and it contains a fort. {Imperial Ga*etts*r of 
India , VII. 137444.) 

2* ' Khandi is a measure of weight varying at different places. At Poona it consisted of 
20 Poona maunds of 23 lbs. each.'* (Sarkar, Hous o of Sktvaji, 166 f • n.) 


here in April next, leaving the mechanical pwrtkmof the week .to he done 
later by Oifhe under your eyes at Poona or Kanshet. Ia tthis co nn ection 
two things are essential, viz. (1) securing from Dighe a ms copy of the 
additi onal important letters he has picked out for the proposed 46th vol. 
of the series, and also the missing ^ of some of the letters in vols 1-45 
that he may have discovered, and (2) inducing Pissurlencar to lend you 
his Bassein. West Coast and Jinjera vols. of the S. P. D. with his 

I have grave doubts about Sale tore’s authorities. At the last session 
of the Record Commission here he narrated the story of Rmdaula KhV 
Ikkeri* campaign on the strength of books written 157 years or enen more 
later than the event, while I have used Bijapuri Coart Chronicles that ate 
absolutely contemporary 

P. 62, Lansdowne Road Extension. 
Kali ghat PCI, 

8th Jany. 1940. 

Thanks for your corrections. The Persian ms. distinctly reads 
Mabaii* and not Mulher*. Shiva jd s recapture of Mabuli sms a splendid 
feat to boast of. (see my Skivaji, 3rd ed, p. 170), while Mulher, though 
constantly going with Salher 1 * 3 4 5 in the records was a commonplace affair. 

1. Randaulah Khan, aa Abyssinian general of Bijapur, was the son of Farhad Khan. He 
led many expeditions and won laurels of victory He captured the fort of Ikkeri on 3 December 
1637 and was given the title of Rustam-i-Z amatt in 1638. He died in 1643. (Sarkar, Roust of 
Shiva ji, 13, 64-65, 87, 161 ; Sardesai, Ne t* History of the Uarathas, 1. 64-65, 71-72, 75.) 

1. The town of Ikkeri is now Inown as Sagar. It is situated 40 miles west-north-west of 
Shimoga in the SMmoga District of the old Mysore State. (Sarkar, Homo* t/ IWw/ i,* ; 
tonh ei d . Horn History cjfths Msmihtu.h 11 i initial Gsssttsar ofRoitm. KM. 1UJ 

3. Mahuli is 50 miles north-east of Bombay in the Thana District of -the B o mbay St a te , 
It a famous fort which was built by the Mughah. Quite .close to this fort there are two 
Other .fortresses of Palasgarh and Bahadurgarh’. (Sarkar., History of Auraugsfb, IV, 202, 
$tovaji, 166; Imperial Gaxettssr of India, IX, 186-87.) 

4. Mnlhnr ia situated on the Masan river. Mai her and Sulhar were M a owa e d through- 
out India as invincible forts. (Sarkar, History of Aurangsib, I, 51.) 

4. The team ef Sulber is ntwtad 4,163 iteet above Ifcaaae I wri. ill isgenilarsouth- 
west of Mulher. (Sarkar, History V Am r a u g * *, t, 364 . . 




19 Jan 1940. 

Please send me a dean copy of the Sanskrit text of the better one of, 
the toMtr Sanskrit letters from Shambbuji to Ram Singh Kachhwa. urging 
him against Auxangzib, and also your English translation, of it. -or at least 
the textoolju. a& soon as possible. I want to print it. 

P. 62» Lansdowne Rd Exten. 

Kalighat P. O., 


L Malet’s Letter book is of only secondary importance as regards the 
history of India, but it is an integral part of his life story, and besides 
fully dealing with Broach affairs gives good contemporary criticism of the 
English side of the First Maratha War. The ms being unique, I insisted 
on its publication. I shall revise the editor's introduction again, but the 
nature of the letters prevents the volume rising to the height of vols. 1 
and 2 of the series. It cannot be helped. 

The diary of each Peshwa ought to go into tne volumes dealing with 
the* respective campaigns in which he took part and not all into a 
separate volume. The former arrangement is more helpful to students. 
E.g., Balaji Rao’s Ben ga l itinerary ought to go into the Nagpur Affairs 
volumes. Bagi Rao L’s North Indian diary is more naturally an integral 
part of the vols on his North Indian and Malwa campaigns. 

1 finished corre c ti n g the proofs of your Close volume two months 
ago. Then thanks to the assistance of the LR.Q (New Delhi> I secured 
the missing portion of letter No. JLOO A. (the correct date of which is 6 
July 18Q5J As for the incomplete letter No. 151 (Sydenham 1 to- Arthur 
Wellesley), I want to search Wellington’s Supplementary Despatches ed. 
hjr his. son. for it. But my copy of it (vol V) is in Darjiling and the 
w rta ched Calcutta University does, not possess it...... 

P. 62. Lansdowne Extension, 
Kalighat P. O., 

6th March 1940. 

More akhbarats of Farrukhsiyar’s reign, especially the years 1713- 

1. Sydenham, Thomas, was the Assistant Private Secretary to Lord Wellesley in 1799 
and the Resident at Hyderabad Irons 1806 to 1810. He held the* post of Charge d* Affairs at 
Lisbon in 1811 and was appointed t be Minister Plenipotentiary in 1818, He dtaf at Genera 
in 1816. (Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, 411; > 

216 jadumath sarkar commemoration volume 


1718 have been discovered in Jaipur recently and have been sent by me to 
the Kumar [Raghuvir Sinh] to be transcribed for his library before being 
returned to the owner. You have worked on the few papers of that 
period which were supplied to the Kumar in 1933-35 and which he 
has abridged in English. Therefore, your sketch of Balaji Vishwanath 
will require to be supplemented from this source- Approximately the 
new papers for 1707-1719 are ten times the number of the papers 
previously transcribed for the Kumar- 

P. 255, Lansdowne R. Extension, 
Kalighat P. O., 


I have received copious akhabarats of Aurangzib, years 1682-84. 
which throw a flood of new light on Shambhuji and Akbar, with minute 
details and precise dates. 

P. 225, Lansdowne Road Extension, 
Kalighat P. O., 


8th May, 1940. 

Now to your queries. 

(1) Shah Jahan, when appointing Aurangzib viceroy of the Deccan 
in 1636, gave him no particular orders to be watchful about Shahji (-whose 
son was then too young to be mentioned), but some generals were deputed 
under the young subahdar to attack Shahji and wrest his forts. This 
campaign ended successfully after Shah Jahan had returned from the 
Deccan to Mandu. 1 While he was in the Deccan, he laid it down as an 
express article of his treaty with Bijapur that Shahji was to be expelled 
from Maharashtra and sent off (as an officer of Adil Shah) to the 
Karnatak. See my History of Aurangzib, vols. 1 & 2 (2nd ed) p. 34. 

Aurangzib when about to start for the north to contest his father’s 
throne (1657), gave his officers repeated warnings to be on their guard 
against Shivaji— “that son of a dog." For his exact words see the same 
book, pp. 258 footnote & 338. 

1* Mandu or Mandagarh was the capital of the ancient kingdom of Malwa. It is now 
a deserted place situated on the bank of the Narbada 30 miles south-east of Mhow, 20 miles 
south of Dhar. (Imperial Ca**tt§*r of India, IX* 308-9.) 

Saricar-SardesaI CORRESPONDENCE 2i? 

(2) The was completed in 1841 in the Rajasthani Hindi 

dialect, called Dingal. There is no evidence that Baji Rao I. visited 
Udaipur and Jaipur in 1729. His visit in 1736 is fully described by me 
in my Fall of the Mughal Empire, i. pp. 261-265. It is pure moonshine 
to suggest that Baji Rao and Jai S. planned to co-operate in founding a 
Hindu Pat-Padshahi. We make ourselves ridiculous when we read the 
ideals and thoughts of 20th century English-educated nationalists into 
the lives of sectarian or clannish champions of the 17th and 18th 
centuries. Quotations from the ^ptpw (mere late traditions, without 
a single State paper or contemporary record to support them) are 

Note by Sir Jadunath Sarkar 
Hony. M. R. A. S. (London) & Cor. Mem. Royal Hist. Soc. 

of England 

The duty of the research professor of South Indian (not exclusively 
Maratha) History at the Deccan College is to conduct research of his 
own and also to train pupils in research. This work can be done only by 
a scholar who has given evidence of his power of producing authoritative 
books (as distinct from mere magazine articles or translations of old 
documents) and can also attract and handle advanced students. Mere 
lecturing — it may be to empty benches ( — ) is not the essence of his duty. 
Even a knowledge of the Modi script is not so essential as proved critical 
acumen and power of historical reconstruction, for given the latter two 
qualities, the linguistic knowledge may be acquired later without any 
difficulty, as Sarkar acquired a knowledge of Persian and (printed) 
Marathi after leaving College. Whatever be the special field of his past 
research, if the 'professor is a man of reputation and first-rate foreign 
training (not bogus American degrees), he can quickly adjust himself to 
this work and pick up the necessary language. Before that he will do 
a signal service by reorganising the research work and attracting and 
setting to work promising students ( — not unemployed loafer B.A.’s). 
His fame (it may be in fields other than Maratha history) will bring to 
him eager and diligent research scholars and his past experience and 
knowledge of the mechanism of European research centres will enable 
him to employ them to the best purpose. 

It is a waste of public money if such a man is not employed. In his 
absence it • is better to keep the post vacant for a year or two. None of 
the five applicants comes within a mile of these two indispensable 

2l$ jadUnaTH SarkAr Commemoration volume 

requisites. It is better to keep the chair unoccupied rather than fill it 
with a mere college class lecturer. 

Jadunath Sarkar 

18 . 5 . 40 . 

Draft of Report 

We do not consider any of the five applicants adequately qualified 
for the post. This chair of South Indian History at the Deccan College 
is not like a lecturer’s post in an ordinary degree college whose duties 
can be discharged by the conventional kind of class lecturing and taking a 
roll-call day after day. The occupant of this chair must give evidence 
of his actual performance of research to the satisfaction of the learned 
world at large. 

Yet, this chair is of very great importance and interest to the 
province, and we should very much regret to see it end in nothing like 
the still-born Satara Historical Museum, on which over two lakhs of 
Rupees have been spent by now, taking the capital and recurring expendi- 
ture into account. 

We, therefore, recommend a radical change in order to get some- 
thing really valuable in return for the public funds spent on this depart- 
ment of the Deccan College. The field is promising, provided that 
Government can place in charge of this section an educationist of known 
ability and recognised research power, who will be able to attract and 
influence advanced students of history. Such a scholar need not know 
Modi at the outset, as his teaching capacity and research power are far 
more important than that particular linguistic equipment. For example, 
Father H. Heras. organised a highly efficient school of historical research 
at the St. Xavier’s College, Bombay, though his pupils often took up 
subjects of study, in some of which the materials were in languages un- 
known to Father Heras. It is the right methodology that counts ; it is 
the man at the head who can mould his subordinate workers. Therefore, 
in view of the absence of any scholar — both among these five applicants 
and among the Marathi writers outside who have made any mark, so far 
as we know. — possessed of the requisite intellectual training, research 
experience and driving power, we make the following recommendation as 
an alternative. 

(1) That the condition of ability to read the Modi script be waived 
for the present, and published evidence of high class constructive histori- 
cal research insisted in the place of it. 



(2) The incumbent so appointed be enlisted for three years on 
probation at the end of which he must show himself qualified to read 
Modi manuscripts as a condition precedent to his confirmation. 

(3) The Governing Body of the Deccan College should be reduced 
to a more manageable size and removed from local intrigues, by placing 
the institution in future under a small authoritative body composed of 
(1) the Commissioner, C.D. (2) the D.P.I., (3) the Principal, Fergusson 
College, (4) the Principal Deccan College and (5) a recognised historical 
authority selected by Government. 

(4) As there is much work waiting to be done, the archivist 
recently appointed at the Alienation Office may, for three years, be 
transferred to the Education Department and placed under the new 
Deccan College Professor of Indian History (appointed under terms 1 and 
2 above) and made to continue Rao Bahadur G S. Sardesai’s work among 
the Peshwas’ Daftar and the Parasnis mss from the Satara Museum (which 
are cognate branches of the same species of Marathi historical materials.) 
As the Satara mss have been now removed to the Deccan College, and 
research among the Peshwas’ records was discontinued for lack of funds 
after the publication of 45 vols (under G. S. Sardesai's editorship), this 
work must be continued at the Deccan College instead of the Alienation 
Office and Mr. V. G. Dighe being a trained hand and former assistant of 
Rao B. Sardesai, he can be set to this task immediately. 

If the above view is accepted, we recommend the appointment of 
Dr. B.A. Saletore on a three years’ term to the vacant chair at the Deccan 
College. Delay is deprecated as Government is bound to show something 
tangible in return for the money so long spent on this department of the 
Deccan College and satisfy the public expectations. 

Kalighat P. O., 
18th May, 1940. 

The editing of the S. P. D. can be best done when I shall spend a 
fortnight at Kamshet next October, as I am due to deliver three lectures 
at the Bombay University. 

P. 255, Lansdowne Road Extension, 
Kalighat P. O., 

30th July. 1940. 

Since our college days, the history of the Hindu period of Indian 
history has undergone a complete revolution and the progress in this field 



is still going on, so that books and editions, even comparatively recent, are 
becoming obsolete. Vincent Smith’s Early History of India , which first 
summarised these gains to our knowledge in 1906, though brought out in 
a 4th edn. by S. M. Edwards in 1920, is now out of date. The Cambridge 
History of India, vol I of the six volumes edn, ends with 300 A.D., but it 
is a very unsatisfactory work and now entirely superseded. The rewriting 
and expansion of the 1st part of your SfltTShqyfh will require considerable 
reading, thought and time on your part if your rivals and critics are to be 
denied any opportunity for laughing at your mistakes in public, because 
this period is a field entirely untrodden by you before and outside the 
range of your life-long literary interests. 

On a full view of all the circumstances, I can suggest only the follow- 
ing scheme. 

1. Read the Cambridge Short History of India (sold by Macmillan, 
Bombay) 12s/6 net, very carefully and slowly and make it the basis of your 
sketch, though several facts and dates in it require modifications today 
(as Dr. R. C. Majumdar tells us.) It will supply an admirable frame- 

2. Then utilise Dr. Hem C. Roy Chaudhuri’s (not H. C. Roy’s) 
History of Hindu India (latest edition, pub. by the Calcutta Univy, 
price Rs. 10 or 12) — to be distinguished from his Matriculation History of 
India (all periods.) This will enable you to insert corrections and 
additional touches, but you cannot possibly go into the minute details of 
this book, nor need you. 

3. Pick out of Vincent Smith’s Early History of India, 4th edn, some 
accounts of literature, art, religion and culture and character-sketches, as 
these are still of value and he knew the art of expression well. 

4. Macdonell’s History of Sanskrit Literature for a few paragraphs 
on that particular subject. 

5. On the history of Buddhism, take your facts from Kern s Manual 
of Indian Buddhism which still retains some value, though written 45 years 
ago and therefore silent about the recent vastly expanded information on 
Mahayan Buddhism in Central Asia, Gandhara &c. But you are not 
required to go into such details. 

Yo 53 will find most of the above books in the Bombay University 

The writings of K. P. Jayaswal, though containing a few original 
discoveries, are ninety-nine per cent pure nationalistic brag and moonshine, 
end you would be well advised to keep clear of his theories, 



Don’t crowd your canvas by going into details about our countless 
minor dynasties; either omit or dismiss them with a bare mention. Try 
to lay your emphasis on the great dynasties— and only on the great 
personages in them, — and give (instead of dry summaries of names) 
reflections on the characteristics of periods, culture and great characters 
and their influence on Indian life and society, — so as to have a clear 
impression on the reader and to make your presentation memorable. 

Kalighat, P. O., 

Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV, pp. 380-381, contains my 
summary of the Palkhed campaign and the Treaty of Shevgaon. The 
volume is priced 42 s- net (Macmillan Bombay), but you cannot do with- 
out it. Every stage in the great Rao’s movements has been traced and 
identified in a ms. note-book, which I cannot find out among my as-yet- 
unarranged loose papers and notes. But I am writing to Dr. Raghuvir to 
send it on to you, in case it has been lent to him for being copied. My 
sources are (1) The Peshwas’ diaries ed. by Vad (2) the Nizam’s move- 
ments as given (very briefly) in the Persian Hadiqa-i-Alam and (3) a 
Persian letter (very boastful & untrue) written by the Nizam. Hamid 
Khan was not the Jangli Shahzada ; the latter was a different man 
altogether. Siyar is often unreliable for events outside Bengal & Bihar. 

Kalighat P. O., 
24. 8. 40. 

Please consult Irvine’s Later Mughals, vol. ii, p. 78-79 n (for Hamid 
Khan, the younger brother of the first Nizam’s father & why he was 
nicknamed Jangli Shahzada, — he was not at all connected by blood with 
the Emperor ), and p. 297 n (For Mastani 1 II, .) I can find no contemporary 

1. The origin of Mastani, a Muslim dancing girl, is unknown* Probably she was 
presented to Teshwa Baji Rao I by Chhatra Sal Bundela in 1729. He developed a great 
infatuation for her and popular voice attributed Baji Rao’s love of wine and meat to his 
association with Mastani. "She dressed, talked and lived in Hindu fashion and looked after 
Baji Rao's comforts with the devotion of a wife.” This love-affair developed into a scandal 
and in consequence she was imprisoned by Nana Sahib. She bore him a son in 1734 and 
" as soon as the news of Baji Rao’s death reached Mastani she died in the palace of Poona, 
whether by suicide or of shock it is difficult to say.” (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , 

II, 297 n.) 



accounts of Mastani’s origin. Ashob fin his Persian history, T arikh-i-Md. 
Shah, my ms. p. 413 of yol i.) says that she was a Kanchani or dancing 
girl, and gives a few lines to her fine horsewomanship and skill in handling 
the sword and spear. "She always accompanied Baji Rao in his campaigns 
and rode stirrup to stirrup with him” (p. 413). Nasik was named 
Gulshanabad 1 2 3 in Aurangzib’s reign ; there is no doubt about it 

P. 255, Lansdowne R. Extension, 
Kalighat P.O., 


I have no hope that Sxfflrc will keep his promise of showing us 
the “boundless store of records” at Bajranggarh* (Bundelas) and some 
place 20 miles outside Bangalore 

P. 255, Lansdowne Rd Extension, 
Kalighat P.O-, 


21st Oct 1940, Night. 

Soon after writing my last post card to you, I addressed a long letter 
(four folio pages) to Babu Rajendra Prasad revealing the entire situation 
to him. In it I stressed the facts that 

(1) the Benares scheme hangs by the slender cord of his own 
precarious health and (2) only some University or learned society can 
supply a permanent and publicly-controlled managing body for the 
publication of this History. Shortly after this, I received prof. Nilkanth 
Shastri’s letter to Jaychandra (which I enclose) and which shows that 
Sir S. Radhakrishnan has stolen a march over us and already secured the 
support of Krishnamachari (and through K, of Rajagopalachari.) So, at 
last there is a hope that we two old men may dropdown from the tree 
and escape. At Baroda* the question will be pushed to conclusion, and 
in the meantime we shall know Rajen Babu’s wishes. 

1. Nasik renamed as Gulshanabad during Aurangzeb's reign is situated on the Godavari 
in Bombay State. It is the chief town of the Nasik District and one of the most holy places of 
the Hindus. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , X, 235.) 

2. The town of Bajranggarh was the capital of the Guna Sub-Agency of the Old Gwalior 
State. There is held a fair in October every year which lasts for 15 days. (Imperial 
Gazetteer of India , I, 439.) 

3. The town of Baroda is situated 62 miles south-east of Ahmadabad and 80 miles north 
of Surat on the rivulet Visuamitri and it is connected with the cantonment of the same name 
by four stone bridges on the stream Once the chief town of the Baroda State now included in 
Bombay, it contains numerous temples, tombs and fine wells such as the Nav Lakh Ki Bawli, 
etc. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, H. 170-171.) 


Now to the more immediate problem of my tour programme for 
December next 

* * * 

To add to my misfortune — and expenditure, — Lady Sarkar is 
importuning me to take her to Baroda, via Bombay, where our third 
daughter now is. If she goes, as sure as anything, two other daughters,- 
Mrs. Bose (with her appendix, little and Rama, will go with her, as 
well as a Brahman cook for them. After reaching Bombay they will 
make a pilgrimage to Nasik. (I need not earn the merit of this pious 
pilgrimage, but do it vicariously through my life’s partner.) 

If these are tacked on to me, I must return to Calcutta by the 30th 
December next 

Kalighat P. O., 
22nd Oct. 1940, Night 

Dattagir spoke of a wilderness of records in Tikamgarh 1 2 or Bajranggarh 
(Central India.) If there be any truth in it, I am prepared to visit the 
place on my way back, i.e., at the beginning of January next, provided that 
Dattagir accompanies us and secures written permission beforehand. 
His sect have a rich monastery some miles from Hyderabad — it will be on 
our way to Bangalore. 

Kalighat P.O., 

5th Nov. 1940, night. 

I do not possess the text of Nadir Shah’s* Persian letter to Baji 
Rao I. It is not included in Parasnis’s Persian ms. collection of which I 

1. Tikamgarh, Tehri or Tiri was the capital of Tehri or Orchba State in Bundelkhand 
in Central India. It is 40 miles north of Orchha which was once the capital of the State, and 
30 miles east of Lai it pur. There is a large fort. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, XIII, 236.) 

2. Nadir Shah, the greatest Asian general of his time, was born in 1688 in a poor 
Turkoman family of Khorasan. He passed his boyhood in extreme poverty and privation. To 
keep body and soul together he turned a robber. His genius for leadership and bold exploits 
won him many companions and he soon came to command a large band of hardy aod adven- 
turous followers. He became the king of Persia with the title of Shahanshah Nadir Shah 
on 26 February 1736. He invaded India in 1739 and the total amount of plunder secured by 
him is estimated by his secretary at 15 crores of rupees in cash, besides vast quantities of 
jewels and other things, including the famous Peacock Throne and the Koh-i-Noor diamond. 
The grand total is computed by the author of Bayan at 80 crores. He was assassinated in 
June 1747. (Bayan, 2-21 ; Anand Ram, 34 ; Irvine, Later Mughals, II. 317-20 ; Jahan Kueha; 
1-222 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, H, 164-166, 357; Gupta, Studies in Later 
Mughal History of the Panjab, 29, 33, 157, 158.) 



took transcripts in Oct. 1916. But in my ms of the History of Muhammad 
Shah 1 by Ashub, vol. II. p 391, it is mentioned that from Delhi Nadir issued 
letters to the Rajput princes, Shahu and the Peshwa, ordering them to 
obey Md. Shah loyally in future. It was evidently one letter, with the 
name of the addressee changed in each case. 

* * * 

Jaipur State archives do not possess the Sanskrit correspondence 
between Baji Rao I and Sawai Jai S. Evidently the Deccani Brahman who 

printed it got it from some Pandit’s house in Jaipur. 

* * * 


Mr. Kincaid, a Judge of the Bombay High Court, has in a published 
writing, remarked that your Riyasat is as informing and interesting as 
Voltaire’s “Century of Louis XIV .” Mr. H. Beveridge, a Judge of the 
Calcutta High Court, in a learned review published in England, has 
called me “the Bengali Gibbon’’. Neither of these critics was personally 
know to us; we never wrote or spoke to them. Is it our fault that they 
gave us this high praise, and gave it in the most public manner possible ? 

* * * 

You seem to be fretting over your title without any reason whatever. 
I have met with many Ray Bahadurs among my acquaintances who are the 
sweetest men in our society, without the least touch of pride. I did not 
feel the least difference (when I was myself untitled) in meeting them. 
Why then should you feel diffidence ? It is a great point scored by us 
authors that Govt, have gazetted you as “historian.’’ This is the 
first time they have recognised a historian qua historian. The great 
Bankim Chandra was gazetted a Ray Bahadur as a “Deputy Collector & 
Magistrate," as if he were just another of the 250 Deputy Magistrates 
then in Bengal ! 

* * * 

I am sorry to hear of your illness. Will it put an end to our 
excursions, for I cannot now travel alone ? Last winter you had urged 
me to arrange for you a prolonged North Indian tour, as we had done the 
Deccan too often. Especially, you have not seen Panipat yet. However, 

1. Born at Ghazni on 16 August 1702 Prince Jloshan Akhtar was proclaimed the Emperor 
under the title of Muhammad Shah on 28 September 1719. Before his accession he had been 
in confinement in the palace for seven years and so had received no education or training in 
the art of government. He was extremely handsome, of a strong and splendid build, and 
possessed natural intelligence and foresight. But actuated by hi youthful passions folly and 
pride, be resigned himself to frivolous pursuits and the company of wicked and mean 
characters. He utterly neglected the administration of the kingdom and so everything went 
to rack and ruin. He died in 1748. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , I, 3-6, 8, 9 ; Irvine, 
Later Mughals, II, 1-2 j Gupta, Studies in Later Mughal History of the Pan fab, 16-1 7.) 


everything must give way to considerations of your health, now that you 
are above 72 and have passed through a life of hardship and strenuous 
labour from year’s end to year’s end. 

P. S. By the way, is »tur 3!5r fMsf an exact equivalent of ifiTT 
and applicable to widows only, or can it be addressed to a woman, whose 
husband is alive ? 1 have a horrible suspicion that I have made a blunder 

Kalighat P. O., 

16 Nov. 1940. 

After finishing my 3rd lecture at the Bombay University on the 
6th Dec. (or the 7th. if the Ragistrar insists on the latter date), we board 
the Madsas Mail at 10 P M. that very night and reach Madras in the 
morning of the third day. Then the Indo-Ceylon Express, leaving 
Madras Central at 10. 30 A.M., will take us to Trichi at 10 P. M., and 
Tanjore is 31 miles further east on the same line. We shall have to comb 
the entire Tanjore district and not merely the district head-quarters town, 
and that means that we must reserve seven clear days for this purpose. 
As Tanjore is a far more promising field than Bangalore, I propose that 
we exhaust it in this trip, even if we have to drop Bangalore, for lack of 
time, on our way back. However, if we are disappointed in our ex- 
pectations in Tanjore, we may return from that town early enough to 
pass a couple of days at Bangalore. I am writing to Dr. Ghose at the 
Institute. Your proposed No. 7 route will not do. First, it will compel 
us to make two detours, viz (a) via Nagpur and ( b ) via Dhanuskodi and 
the slow Hubli line, on our way back, while saving time is an all 
important consideration with us, in view of both of us being required at 
Baroda on the 20th* at the latest..*, ••• 

P. 255, Lansdowne R. Extension, 
Kalighat P. O., 


13th January, 1941. 

The Nagpur Man£-Ingle papers relate solely to a petty jagir granted 
by the Mughal subahdar of Berar, at Amrapur, pargana Mehkar (Berar) 
to a captain of the Bhonsle family in 1657 A.D. and the quarrels about the 
succession to it in 1694. This grantee had no connection with the 

226 jadunath sarkar commemoration volume 

Tanjore Bhonsles nor with the late dynasty of Nagpur. Thus, you see 
once again, that the world is full of illusions u rewq | 

Kaligbat P. O., 

30th January, 194L 

About twelve days ago I posted a letter to Dighe, addressed 
“Pbanse Block, Sivajinagar, Poona”, containing my English translation of 
two Persian letters of Asaf Jah I relating to the Marathas. I asked him 
to type these and send one copy to you and one copy to me, and annex a 
third copy to his thesis. 

P. 255, Lansdowne R Extension, 
Kalighat P.O., 


4th March 1941. 

The itinerary of Baji Rao’s tour in Rajputana in 1736 has not been 
printed by Vad, nor by you in SPD, xxx. Evidently it is missing among 
the Peshwa Govt, records. If so, the Rajput source is our only recourse. 
Jaipur archives contain exact records of date and place, but it will require 
a fresh search among their overwhelming mass of papers, and I finished 
my History of Jaipur and delivered the ms to the Jaipur Darbar six 
months ago. I am, however, now writing to their record-keeper. 

The conjectural date 15 Feb. 1736 given by me in Fall vol I must 
be rejected in favour of 3rd March 1736, which we get from the Marathi 
sources cited by you. But all the other details given by the Vamsha 
Bhaskar stand. 

This work states that after leaving Udaipur [Baji] Rao went to 
Nathdwara 1 2 3 4 (due north), then to Jahazpur* (n.e) and Kekri* and finally to 
Kishangarh* territory, at Bhamola*, where the interview with Sawai Jai S. 

1. The town of Nathwada or Nathdwara is situated on the right bank of the Bangs 
22 miles north of Udaipur in Rajasthan. Possessing the original image of Lord Krishna 
Nathwada has one of the most famous shrines of the Vaishnavites. (Sarkar, Fall of the 
Mughal Empire, I, 146 ; Imperial Gazetteer of India, X, 240.) 

2. The town of Jahazpur is 25 miles north-west of Bundi in Rajasthan. There is a 
fort built on an isolated hill. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, I, 146 ; Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, VII, 45.) 

3. Kekri is a town in Rajasthan, 50 miles south-east of Ajmer* 

4. The town of Kishangarh is 21 miles north-east of Nasirabad and 15 miles north-east 
of Ajmer in Rajasthan. The town and its fort are built on the bank of a small lake called 
Gundoiao. In the centre of this lake is Muhkum Bilas or Maharaja’s summer garden, (j Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, VIII, 223.) 

5 Bhamola is 17 miles south-east of Kishangarh, and 30 miles east of Ajmer. (Sarkar, 
FaU of the Mughal Empire, 1, 146.) 



took place, and that from this point the Peshwa returned directly to 
the Deccan via Bundi and Begham 1 (in Mewar.) The note on p. 263 of 
Fall, vol I must be discarded. 

* * * 

It is distinctly stated in the Vamsha Bh, and we can readily believe 
it, that though Baji Rao entered Rajputana at the invitation of Jai S, yet 
when J.S. heard that the Peshwa was marching to his territory, lest the 
Maratha soldiery should molest and rob his subjects, he hastened south- 
wards to his frontier and met Baji Rao at Bhamola, just beyond his own 
boundary, and induced him to return thence. 

Kali ghat P.O., 

4th March 194L 

Please read (or get copied) the full account of Malcolm’s visit to 
Baji Rao in his camp at Keiri village on 1 June 1818, in the course of which 
the latter said, “I had once three friends &c.” (and not in the letter of 
16th May.) This account runs from p. 244 to 247 in Vol II of Kaye’s Life 
and Correspondence of Major Genl. Sir John Malcolm (London, 1856.) 


24. 3. 41 

(5) Jai Singh I. was born Asharh Bad 1, V. S. 1668= if Nija Asharh 
then, 15 July 1611. But Sawai Jai S. II (the astronomer &c.) was born on 
4 Nov. 1688, succeeded to the Raj on 3 Feb. 1700. I have a long chapter 
on his ashwamedh and observatory. 


22 July 1941. 

You must npt think of visiting Panipat, because it will mean three 
miles trudging through ploughed fields and sandy hollows (former water 
channels) each way, on foot, if we are to reach the battlefield, and in 
August there is likely to be some water in the fields, — at least impassable 
mud at many places. 

Rashbehari Avenue P. O., 


Half the dress articles and all the papers (none valuable) in my lost 

I. The town of Begun or Beghum is 53 miles south-west of Kotab and 22 miles east of 
Chittor in Rajasthan. 


suit case have been recovered in a station village on the railway 
line, the name of which I noted immediately after waking and supplied 
to the Govt. Railway Police at Gaya. I was profoundly asleep at the 
time, 2-30 A.M., that the intruder came in and departed, and hence he 
had no occasion to use any dagger that he may have carried. But the loss 
of all my dress gave me much trouble after arrival at Dehra Dun. 1 2 3 

R. B. Avenue P.O., 

17 Sept. 1941. 

We are both of us turned of 70, and you had recently a severe 
attack. And we have, therefore, sadly to discontinue our old pleasant 
practice of roving from place to place — which are romantic in name only 
but yield absolutely no historical material at present. No more for us 
Kanakgiri and Tanjore and similar delusive attractions. 

* * * 

I also propose to revisit Poona and Bombay this time and expedite 
the concluding stage of the Residency Corrsp. publication and smooth 
away (if I can) the official difficulties in the path of a new edn of the 
S.P. Daftar. Who knows if this will not be my last visit to those two 
places ? And, in addition, I should like to pass a quiet week at Kamshet ; 
— I have the fondest memory of last year’s Christmas week which I spent 
at Kamshet and which fully refreshed me after the hectic month of long 
distance railway travel, lecturing and touring that had gone before. 

From Kamshet we can take buses at Talegaon and visit Junnar*, an 
old dream of mine. Nasik and Trimbak® are, I fear, hardly worth a visit 
except for the scenery, and you must not be exposed to avoidable worry 
and knocking about in trains and hotels which disturb our sleep. 

1. The town of Dehra Dun is situated at a height of 2300 feet aobve the sea-level* in the 
centre of a hill valley below Mussoorie. Built by Guru Ram Rai, whose temple is still there* 
the town is the head-quarters of the district of Dehra Dun in U. P. There is a cantonment and 
it is a great centre of military education and forest research. (Imperial Gazetteer of India * 

2. Junnar is the head-quarters of the sub-division of the same name in the Poona 
District. Formerly it was known for the paper manufacture. Tnere is a fort which was 
built by Malik-ul-Tajjar in 1436. The fort of Shivner where Shivaji was born* is half a mile 
from this town. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , VII, 246.) 

3. Trimbakor Triyambak is 20 miles south-west of Nasik in the Bombay State. It has 
a fort built on a hill at a height of 4,248 feet. It is a place of Hindu pilgrimage and a 
fair is held there in honour of Trimbakeshwar Mahadev. (Imperial Gazetteer of Indta * 
XIII, 366.) 



R. B. Avenue P O., 

16th Oct. 1941. 

Please refer to the Proceedings Volume of the Baroda Comn. for 
Yeotmal Y.K. Deshpande’s paper on the records found at Balapur in Berar 
(20 m. by bus from Akola stn)[.] These records had been mentioned to 
me more than ten years ago as worth examination. Though Deshpande’s 
report is quite meagre and vague, — owing to his ignorance of Persian, — I am 
determined to visit Balapur this year and spend a week there if necessary 
in examining the various collections in the hands of Muslim jagirdars. 

* * * 

From Mysore, I propose to revisit Hyderabad (where the private 

Persian library will have to be thoroughly searched, say 3 days) Then 

we move to Madras, where after a few days we part company for Calcutta 
and Kamshet respectively. 

P. 255, Lmsdowne Rd Ext., 
R.B. Avenue P.O., 

8th Deer 1941. 

But Commission or no Commission, if the condition of Calcutta does 
not detain me in Bengal,-— and I am still very optimistic about the result 
of Japan’s belated plunge into the European blood-bath, — I shall visit 
Balapur, Bombay and Haidarabad. 1 In the event of my having to go to 
Mysore for the Commission, — on which point no official decision has been 
yet made, nor probably will be made for some weeks to come, till the 
Pacific sky clears again, — my programme after Hyderabad 2 will have to be 
modified ; but this we can do after we have met together in Bombay. 

* * * 

I have passed through a long spell of idleness, which robbed me of 
nearly eight months of my life, and I am looking forward to tackling the 
4th vol. of my Fall of the Mughal Empire (1789-1803) in earnest next 
February, on my return from the tour 

R. B. Avenue, P. 0„ 

28th Deer 1941. 

We are living here in great uncertainty about the future of this 

1-2. These are the actual spellings given in the original letter- 



town. Though I wish to cling to my library to the last moment possible- 

as migration elsewhere would enforce idleness on me, 

* * * 

The Jumna has shifted li miles eastwards since the battle of Panipat 
was fought, so that the site of Bararighat 1 is now a village 11 miles away 
from the river bank ! 

R. B. Avenue P. O., 

9th Jany 1942. 

Your letter of the 3rd reached me on the 6th instant. I, too, badly feel 
the omission of our annual meeting and tour together. It is a full year 
since I had my last outing, and this one year’s stay in one place has left 
me jaded and inert, — quite apart from my war-anxieties. No news has 

come to me about the Commission ! 

* • * 

If things do not grow worse in Bengal, I wish to leave my family here 
and pass a month with you in February or March next. A decisive naval 
battle in the Pacific is expected within 20 days from now, and the air- 
warfare in Malay is turning in favour of the English — but just turning. I 
wait with hope. 

# * # 

If Calcutta after 3 or 4 weeks from now is found to be safe from all 
reasonable risk of bombing, you should run down here with trig UH for a 
month. There is a room in this my new house, which is spoken of by all 
as “Sardesai’s room”, and a vegetarian kitchen also will be provided. 

* * * 

My Akbar will be ready in type script in a month's time, unless I am 
driven out of Calcutta,— the chapters will be sent to you in advance. The 
Jaipur History that I worte with so much labour for two years, will 
never be published in my lifetime, as the Maharajah can think of nothing 
except the war. Its contents are confidential,— at least, the property of 
that Government. Banarasi Prasad Saksena’s Shah Jahan can be 
consulted, but a better book on that Emperor is badly wanted. 



My son-in-law Major S. Ghose (D. A. A. G. to the 3rd Indian Corps 
under General Heath) is among the 72,000 prisoners of war at Singapur, 
and it will be 3 months before we can first communicate with him 
through the International Red Cross of Geneva. 

1. Barari is a village 10 miles north of Delhi situated on the western bank of the 
Jamuna, hence the Ghat got its name. 




3rd March 1942. 

After drawing the outline of the map (or obliterating the names 
with bits of white paper) cut the names of places out of old newspapers or 
old Railway time-tables and paste each such printed name on its appro- 
priate place. This will make the map look exactly like the fine 
productions of the Surveyor-General’s Office. 

1, Circular Road, 
Dehra Dun, 
29th June 1942. 

I have received from Dhavle your Baji Rao. It marks a marvellous 
advance in our knowledge of the period and the man since the first edition 
which was issued 20 years ago. Not merely in the piling up and orderly 
arrangement of an infinite number of small facts and short sayings, but 
more than anything else, in the fusing all these materials together into a 
lifelike picture of the man and his age, you show your literary skill. 
Everything is explained by its hidden root cause (e. g., Khanderao 
Dabhade’s old age, p. ; every character is lit up in all the traits that 
together form a composite human being (e. g., Brahmendra Swami 1 p. 280). 
It deserves publication in English. Come to Calcutta in October next 
and we shall arrange it 

1, Circular Road, 
Dehra Dun, 
19th Aug. 1942. 

This is the news privately received from Jaipur today 

R. B. Sardesai’s letter along with Sarkar’s proposals had been sent by 
H. H. to the Prime Minister Sir Mirza Md. Ismail, who then consulted 
R.B. Pandit Amarnath Atal. The Pandit reported that all historical 
papers available in the Jaipur archives till the death of S. Jai Singh in 1743 
A.D., should be published ; but the papers relating to the Maratha period 
after 1743 should not be published, because many of them are objection- 
able from the Raj point of view. After the demise of S. Jai S., Jaipur 
forces were defeated in many battles, and the Jaipur Maharajahs had to pay 
tribute to the Marathas. Such papers should not be published by the Jaipur 
Govt. It would not be advisable to publish a few selected papers only. 

1. Brahmendra Swami was revered in the Maharashtra as a saint of great spiritual 
powers. He was Kaja Shabu’s guru and influenced much the politics of the time. (Sardesai# 
Hsw History of the M#rath(i$, II# 136# 136, 140# 141# 191.) 


In short the first series, proposed by Sir J. Sarkar in his typed letter, 
has been recommended for publication. 

1, Circular Road, 
Dehra Dun, 

24th Aug. 1942. 

Immediately after Mahadji Sindhia's death, a consultation was held 
by the Peshwa, and Rajaram Bhau then went from Poona to Daulat Rao 1 , 
and “communicated to Apa Chitnis the declarations that had been made 
by Nana Hary Pandit* Baloo Tatya and Bhau Farnis were present." Now, 
does not Nana here mean the famous Nana Fadnis ? If so how to take 
Hari Pandit ? Does he stand for a courtier of Daulat Rao, or some Hari 
Pandit of the Peshwa’s Court ? Hari was no part of N. F.’s name. 

Why is Baloo often called Baloo Mirza* in the English records ? It 
is not a clerical error. 


23rd Dec. 1942. 

This is to inform you that though three successive nights have 
passed, no danger or loss has come within three miles of our house, and 
the Bengalis of the middle class in the town are free from panic and have 
no desire to evacuate. Don’t believe in the bazar rumours, not needlessly 
feel anxious about my safety. I mean to stay here as long as I can, taking 
the necessary precautions. The defence guns were quite active last night, 
but the enemy (a few in number) went back very quickly after doing 
some haphazard work. 

1. Daulat Rao Sindhia was ^he adopted son of Mahadji Sindhia. He was born in 1780 
and was the son of Mahadji's cousin Anand Rao. He became a close associate of Baji Rao II, 
the last Peshwa. Both the young men being inexperienced and immoral were incapable of 
handling men and matters and thus brought the downfall of the Maratha Kingdom. (Sardesai, 
New History of the Marathas, III, 264, 320, 331, 333-36, 356-57, 395, 401.) 

2. “Hary Pandit is doubtless Haripant Phadke, Nana Fadnis's, right hand man.” (G.S.S. 
to J.N.S. dated 30-8-42.) 

3. “Baloo Mirza appears to be Baloba Tatya Pagnis.” (See G. S. S. to J.N. S. dated 
30-8-42.) Baloba Tatya Pagnis became the chief counsellor of Daulat Rao Sindhia after 
Jivba Dada Bakh shi’s death in January 1796. He was a man of unrivalled uprightness and 
espoused the cause of Mahadji *s widows and raised the standard of revolt against Daulat Rao 
Sindhia's ill-treatment towards them. In consequence he was arrested by Daulat Rao Sindhia 
and he died in prison on 1 November 1800. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, III, 315, 
323, 338, 355-56 ; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 135, 142.) 

SARKAR-SARDESAI correspondence 233 

The date of the fall of Satara 1 2 in Aurangzib’s reign given in my book 
is absolutely correct, being based on day to day diary of the time. 

P. 255, Lansdowne Rd., 
Rashbehari Avenue P.O., 

29th January, 1943. 

Chanda Sahib* was confined in a fort near Satara. What was that 


Chanda’s son. Raja Sahib, went to Satara after Haider Ali’s death in 
1783. Any Marathi references to this ? 

* * * 

In fact, the surest means of acquiring a good style is (1) to read 
aloud the best English prose — avoiding ornate and involved authors, such 
as Dr. Johnson and Macaulay, — for half an hour every morning, (2) to 
avoid trashy authors, except when it is necessary to pick facts out of them, 
and (3) to pause and revise frequently in the course of our own writing. 
This is the method that has borne most fruit with me, besides certain 
advantages that I had in my College life. 

You write too long and too diffusely, and hence your style is bound 
to suffer. I compress as much as I can, and hence I have the time to 
revise and polish my words, or rather, as I meditate before writing, the 
words flow well chosen out of my pen. This would have been impossible 
if I had to write 50 or 60 foolscap folios of English prose everyday. 

Please remember that the elements of a good prose style include 
not merely the choice of apt phrases, but also the judicious and most 
effective marshalling of the facts, the order of development of the parts 
of the theme or proposition you intend to prove, and the proper proportion 
in the length of the different parts. The true difficulty is to decide 
what to omit and what to keep, because we cannot give every fact ; some 
must go out, probably many. "The half is better than the whole”, is a 

1. The fort of Satara fell on 21 April 1700. It was, however, recaptured by the 
Marathas in 1704. 

2. Husain Dost Khan, better known as Chanda Sahib, was the son-in-law of Nawab 
Dost Ali, the Mughal Governor of Karnatak. His administrative acumen, reforming zeal and 
organisation of the army on the European model increased his power and acting under orders 
of Nawab Dost Ali he captured Trichinopoly in 1736. After the fall of his patron Nawab 
Dost Ali, in 1740, he began to aspire for the Nawabship, but was captured by the Marathas. 
He effected bis escape in 1748, but was murdered on 3 June 1752. (Sardesai, New History of 
the Marathas, II, 252*57, 326.) 

234 Jadunath sarkar commemoration VOtUMfe 

Greek adage, which Macaulay admires. However, I shall talk this great 
subject of style fully over with you when we meet together again. It is 
only long practice which will enable you to achieve success in view of the 
fact that you have devoted your long life to the development of an 
admirable Marathi style in writing and speaking and taken to the totally 
alien element of English prose only in the evening of your day on earth. 
Roget can be of use when we are stuck for a suitable word, but can give 
us no help in mastering a style. 

P. 255, Lansdowne Road, 

1st March, 1943, night. 

We have been deeply grieved to learn of the passing away of Gangu 
Mai 1 , from your letter received this evening. It is so unexpected and 
shocking. No doubt, she had completed the normal span of human life, 
three score years and ten ; but then she had no organic disease to alarm 
us about her. 

She has met with an end that would be coveted by all Hindu wives : 
she bore sons to her husband, and she had died with the vermilion mark 
on her forehead uneffaced. Looked at from the outside, her life 'should 
have been happy : her husband had placed her above want ; she was the 
consort of a man whose name is honoured in every land where modern 
Indian history is read or talked of, and he has won the admiration and 
love of hundreds of research workers,— outside Maharashtra, even more 
within it,— who venerate him as a sure guide and constant friend, she has 
shared the joy of his recognition by Government and by more Universities 
t-han one ; her charity made her home a welcome refuge to many ; and she 
has known the joys of motherhood. 

But, alas ! she has also known sorrow, the deepest sorrow which 
neither wealth nor fame can drown and which the sympathy of friends 
can only moderate. Death had robbed her of all her darlings. Thenceforth 
her one task on earth, her sole motive of existence, was to support and cheer 
you and to help you to bear up by halving your unforgettable sorrow with 
you. I have always felt sure that it was this silent strength of will and 
devotion to a wife’s duty, which kept her up for the eighteen years after 
Shyamakant's departure ; it is this which made her weak emaciated 
body last for 70 years and assured her recovery from diabetes— which, I 

1. Ganga Bai was the eldest daughter of Moreshwar Vamao Kirtane, the Headmaster of 
Government High School, Ratnagiri, and was married to Sardesai in 1884. [Sardeeai 
Commemoration Vo /•» 293-4.) 



may now frankly tell you, I had feared to be incurable in one of her age 
and vegetarian diet. My wife and I feel certain that her last thoughts 
were regret at leaving you lonely and with your last remaining tie to life 
snapped by her death. 

And now you are left truly alone ; though you have two devoted 
brothers, who are more to you than sons are to most parents, yet they 
cannot exactly replace Mai while she was with you, after your retirement 
broken-hearted to Kamshet in 1925, you did no doubt forget your sorrows 
and the world’s injustice by drowning yourself among the records of past 
ages. But this oblivion was for a time only ; and when reaction from 
literary work came, you could always feel sure of relief by coming to her 
side. Your two lives had, through many years, been so blended together 
that you were as one in your meals, sleep, talk and (earlier) travels. 
Rabindranath Tagore, in referring to his wife, who had died 33 years 
before him, once remarked, “The only one to whom I could speak about 
everything, everything [?], is no more” — and then lapsed into a moody 

I am thinking only about your future days on earch [earth] which 
now cannot be many. Though your health is exceptionally good and your 
habits austere in their simplicity, yet the mind is bound to react on the 
body. You cannot live except among your books and marvellously full 
and well arranged mass of historical papers, and you cannot endure a 
big city like Bombay. And yet, how will you bear life at Kamshet and 
who will look after you there henceforth ? 

I wished to go and bear your company for a month or so now, but 
my own domestic life is disturbed. A son-in-law missing for over a year 
in the war, a grown-up daughter still to marry, my second son, Satyen, 
who used to live with me, has gone to undertake civil duties in connection 
with the army at Bangalore, and worst of all, four weeks ago, I had the 
first touch of sciatic pain (in the nerve of the right hip bone) which has 
spread to my right leg and reduced my walking power. I dare not run 
or take any risk of straining this leg, though the doctors do not find any 
constitutional defect in me. However, in about ten days I shall learn 
where Satyen is going to be posted, and then I may join you at Kamshet 
or Bombay, as you may choose for your residence- 

Lady Sarkar is mourning the loss of a personal friend and wishes 
that it had been possible to remove Mai to Bombay for superior medical 
treatment. But I do not share any regret on this latter account ; Mai 
had no vitality left in her, it was only her will-power that had made 
her live after November 1925, and that power was now run out, like the 



spring of a watch when 30 or 36 hours are over. The latest clinical 
contrivances, like blood-transfusion and oxygen-inhalation, would have 
merely prolonged her suffering. The inevitable has come and man can 
only bow to the will of his Creator. 

nffer: | 

Let Aba or Arabind reply to me. 

uffon-ftsiHRigq: efci 

ft «T*tT4 I 


9th March 1943, night. 

You are left to God and your own disciplined heart. 



I have worked through 1200 pages of Persian akhbarat (Poona 1794 and 
1795) giving full details of (1) Mahadji’s illness, treatment, diet and death [,] 
(2) Ahalya Bai’s same and (3) Madho Rao Narayan’s 1 2 3 fatal fall, besides the 
extremely detailed and tiresome reports of N. Fadnis’s plans, intrigues 
and speeches during the eventful period preceding Baji Rao II’s insta- 
llation, and a daily report of the entire Kharda* campaign surpassing in 
length that given in Dighe’s volume of the P.R.C.* 

The English translation of the Maasir-ul-ulama [Umara] covers only 
the letters A to L (840 pages), price Rs 10 only. It is worth buying, though 
the second volume M-Z will probably take 5 years to be issued, if at all ; 
it is not yet ready even in ms. 

1, Circular Road, 

Dehra Dun, 

8th July 1943. 

The Vaidya family of the wakils of the Nagpur Bhonsles at Puna, 
have recently discovered over a thousand Modi sheets of papers 1743- 
1750, many of which are of great interest. Mens. Lehuraux got into touch 
with them through Mrs. Nagarkar (?), the wife of a teacher in the Shivaji 

1. Madhav Rao Narayan was born on 18 April 1774. He became the Peshwa in 1783 
when Raghunath Dada surrendered himself and recognised him as the rightful Peshwa. 
•He died of an accidental fall from the balcony of his palace on 27 October 1795. (Sardesai, 
New History of the Marathas, III. 45, 132, 173, 233-36, 239-40, 257-59, 281-88, 303-8 ; 
Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 134.) 

2. Kharda or Kbardla is 56 miles south-east of Ahmadnagar in the Jankher sub-division 
of the Ahmadnagar District in Bombay. The ruins of the palace of Nimbalkar, a noble of the 
Hiram , and a fort are still found there. {Imperial Gazetteer of India, VHI, 166-67.) 

3. Poona Residency Correspondence. 


Mily School. The lady is writing a thesis (in French) for the doctorate 
of the Bombay Univy. 

P. 252 Lake Terrace (new name given to our str. by the Municipality). 

Rashbehari Avenue P.O., 

11 Aug 1943. 

Maratha penetration into the Panjab in 1758. — The two letters 
written by Holkar’s diwan from the Panjab, given in Chandrachud Daftar, 
were read and noted by me long ago ; they do not support the claims that 
(1) the Maratha invaders ever crossed the Chenab, the Jhelum 1 2 3 and the 
Indus— three big rivers, ( 2) they occupied the ferry at Attock 8 town, or (3) 
they reached Peshawar 8 city. Look at the map of the Panjab and measure 
the distances from Lahore and the time at the disposal of the Maratha 
garrison. The two letters simply mean that Holkar’s agents had made 
arrangements ( bandobast ) for the revenue of Attock-Multan, and there 
is no suggestion that they had reached the city of Attock — still less that 
they had crossed the violent Indus river at Attock and reached Peshawar 
at the mouth of the Khyber Pass, 4 * * * — so many hundred miles from their 
insecure base at Lahore. Where is Peshawar mentioned as occupied by 
a Maratha garrison ? Where is Peshawar mentioned as occupied by a 
Maratha garrison ? Not certainly in any Modi letter. If in a Persian 

1. Jeblum is an important town in West Pakistan situated on the rie^ht bank of the 

2. Attock is situated slightly below the confluence of the rivers Indus and Kabul and is 
noted for its strong fort which is said to have been built by Akbar in 1581 to protect his 
Empire against the invasion of Hakim Mirza. Ranjit Singh conquered it in 1812 and later on 
it passed into the hands of the British. (Burnes, Travels , I 79-80 ; Hugel, 215-17 ; Imperial 
Gazetteer , Punjab » I, 196 ; II, 183 ; Rawalpindi Gazetteer (1883-84), 124.) 

3. Peshawar is situated about 1 3 or 14 miles east of the entrance of Khyber Pass. The 
city was commanded by a mud fort to the north-west. The fort was built by the Sikhs on the 
ruins of the Bala Hissar or state residence of the Durranis which was destroyed by the Sikhs 
after the battle of Nowshebra. Orchards abound everywhere and dates, figs, grapes, melons, 
oranges, etc. are abundant. {Imperial Gazetteer , N. W- F. Province , 164-5 ; Peshawar 
Gazetteer (1897-8), 361-3 ; N.W.F.P . Gazetteer , 149 , Masson , I, 126 ; Jaffar . 119, 123-24.) 

4. The Khyber Pass like Kurram and Gomal passes is an important military route 

leading from Afghanistan into the Peshawar District of the West Pakistan. The pass goes 

along the bed of a rushing stream and is subject to sudden floods. It has played a great role 

in shaping the history of India. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, VIII, 123-127.) 



akhbarat , I ought to examine it before accepting this flat contradiction 
of the eye-witness Miskin’s 1 2 3 statement. 

In Mughal geography a district is named by joining two cities in it 
together, such as Vani-Dindori , 1 Sultanpur 8 -Nandurbar , 4 Bang (—Deccan) 
-Sylhet, &c. In the Chandrachud letter Attock-Multan means the 
province from Attock to Miltan and not these two cities. Now, con- 
querors and newly appointed subahdars, on reaching the frontier of their 
province were waited upon by the agents of the leading zamindars and 
tax-collectors of the province, who offered presents and made agreements 
for payment of the moneys due from them. This is exactly what happened 
to Chandrachud and Sindhia when they reached the eastern bank of the 
Chenab (nearest to Lahore.) But whether the money was actually paid 
is another question ; and it was certainly not paid if no strong 
Marathi garrison occupied Attock for some months— and of that there is 
no proof. Indeed, from the tone of the letters, it is a legitimate inference 
that only a small sum was collected by the Marathas from the land and 
the whole of it was swallowed up by the pay of the troops, so that Sindhia 
and Holkar were really squabbling over a shadow — an empty purse. 

What are the exact words in Persian in the akhbarat which say 
that Maratha soldiers— and not Adina Beg 5 * * — occupied Peshawar and 
Attock for some months ? The writer of it, and its date ? 

* * * 

An English version of the Marathi Riyasat.— This I had urged you 
years ago to produce, and I am glad that you have at least taken it in hand 
and found a co-adjutor with a very facile pen (in English) in the person 

1. Tahmas Khan Miskin lived in Lahore as a personal attendant of Muin-ul-Mulk, the 
Viceroy of the Pan jab from 174 8 to 1753, and later of his wife, the Mughlani Begam, 1753 to 
1758. He gives a graphic and vivid account of the Maratha invasion of the Panjab in 1758. 
(Gupta, History of the Sikhs, I, 113—9.) 

2. Vani-Dindori or North Nasik. (Sarkar, History of Aurangzib , IV, 230.) 

3. Sultanpur Nandurbar was the most important military charge (faujdari) in the Mughal 
scheme of the defence of the empire. Sultanpur and Nandurbar are identified separately. 
(Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, V, 139.) 

4. The tcwn of Nandurbar is situated 32 miles north-west of Dhulia in the District of 
Khandesh, Bombay. It was founded by &and Gauli and contains many old mosques as it fell 
into the hands of the Muslim rulers later on. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, X, 194.) 

5. Adina Beg was the Mughal Governor of the Jullundur Doab. He was made the 
Viceroy of the Panjab by the Marathas in May 1758 when they subjugated the Panjab ; but 

he died on 16 September 1758. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , U, 64-68, 76-77 ; 

Sardesai* New History of the Marathas , II, 386, 399, 401 ; Gupta, Studies in hater Mughal 

History of the Panjab , 56408.) 


of Prof. Sharma. Dr. Pawar is also very good, but he is too far away and 
too busy with the Sandur (and Kolhapur ?) histories. 

(A) Let the book be a good deal compressed in its English form, 
as readers outside Maharashtra will not relish the overwhelming mass of 
personal and place names and details of the Marathi original in 8 

(B) Throw discussions and criticism of sources into appendices, 
— and, where short, into footnotes, — and keep the text clearly readable and 
smooth flowing. 

(C) Use oriental words very sparingly, and in every case give the 
English meaning first and then the oriental term within brackets. 

(D) Insert some chapters on literature, saints, economic conditions, 
social manners &c, which you gave in the first edition of the Mar. Riyasat, 
but excluded from the later editions. These are absolutely necessary in 
the English version, which ought to have an world-appeal. 

P. 255 Lake Terrace (new name of our street). 
Rash Behari Avenue P. 0„ 

25th Aug. 1943, night. 

You did well to organise that public discussion in Puna about the 
Maratha advance to Attock in 1758, and thus to bring hitherto unpublished 
records to light... when I wrote the Fall, Vol 2, in 1934, 1 used only such 
materials as were available to the public or in my private collection of 

unprinted mss, and no historian can possibly do more It is only the 

Persian akhbarats now made available to the public that show beyond 
doubt that portions of the armies of Holkar and Sindhia penetrated as far 
west as Peshawar, though for a few months only. 

My sole interest is the discovery of truth from unassailable sources, 
and I am not so vain as to feel hurt if any statement in a book of mine is 
contradicted by later discovered (or published) sources. For. unless such 
continual supersession is welcomed, progress in human knowledge would 
be impossible. 

It would be very interesting if we could have details for knowing 
whether the “silah-dars of Holkar and Sindhia” who reached Peshawar 
were Marathas by race, or Muslim mercenaries from North India enlisted 
in those chiefs' forces for we know that a large body of mercenary Mughlia 
troops were entertained by Mahadji, just as Jaswant Rao Holkar’s 



mainstay was Amir Khan’s 1 Muslim soldiers, but for whose stiffening help 
he would have been nowhere, — as Busawan Lai’s biography of Amir Khan 
conclusively proves. 

* * * 

Food-stuffs of all kinds are available here, except that the breaches 
in the railways and consequent shortage of coal in Calcutta, have cut off 
our supply of dal, mangoes, and oilseeds from Bihar and the U. P. Also 
good ghee has doubled in price in one year. But locally grown vegetables 
and fish are plentiful. Good rice sells at Rs 92 a maund, and bad at 
Rs 32. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

(1) Was Kumar Vikram a title given by Mahadji to Daulat Rao 
Sindhia about 1793 ? Or do you know any other person so called ? (2) 
Who was Sidhoji or Saddaji, described as Mahadji’s wife’s brother and an 
expert in Hindu medicine, whose dose of mercury in gold leaf killed 
Mahadji after Hakim Baq5 Khan had been removed from the treatment of 
the patient (3) Kesar Bai* is described as the cleverest among the ladies 
(widows ?) of Mahadji Sindhia, and Daulat Rao frequently held long 
consultations with her on perplexing state questions. She rebuked him 
severely (1795) for pursuing childish sports like jackal-hunting near 
Hadapsar and kite flying, in the company of the Bir saint’s grandson, a 
typical upstart and debauched Muslim youth. (4) Please send me a 
transcript of the letter in Bala Sahib’s Vol III. referred to in your last 
post card. I probably dropped all his literary gifts at your house in order 
to lighten myself for the return to Bengal. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

22nd Novr. 1943, night. 

When I met Mr. Ramanand Chatterji before his death, he told me 
with his last breath as far as I was concerned, — “I am happy to think that 

X. Amir Khan Pathan was the close helpmate of Jaswant Rao Holkar. He Kras an 
ardent, bold and gallant soldier and served bis' master with loyalty and zeal. He deserted him 
in December 1817 when he accepted British protection an 1 was made the Nawab of Tonic. 
(Sardesai. New History of the Marathas, III, 368, 429, 473, 480, 48 4 ; Sarkar, Fall of the 
Mughal Empire, IV , 168.) 

2. Kesari Bai was a morganatic wife of Mahadji Sindhia. She was a wise and good- 
natured lady. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , IV, 150.) 



you regard me as your friend. I am going away, but my sons remain ; 
please regard them with the same friendliness after me." After this, 1 
am morally bound to support the Modern Review and the Bengali Prabasi 
with my pen. 

* * • 

I had planned to sketch the rise of Mahadji in the 4th volume of my 
Fall of the Mughal Empire, because half of this volume will be dominated 
by his personality ; and for this purpose I had five years ago made notes 
from the Marathi sources on his doings between 1762 and 1768. You have, 
necessarily gone deeper and more copiously into the subject, as the 
internal affairs of Maharashtra are not the concern of the historian of 

♦ * * 

As for the history of the Marathas from 1400 to 1600, it should be 
borne in mind that after the fall of the Rashtrakuta and Yadava royal 
dynasties, there was no Maratha State before the rise of Shivaji, but only 
a Maratha people and some Maratha landlords (not sovereigns.) The 
activities of these latter are given fitfully in the history of the Bahmani 
empire. Full details in Burhan-i-Maasir (Eng. Trans by Major King in 
Indian Antiquary, 1890-98, printed in book form in 1900), and summary 
in Ferishta (Brigg’s Transln). Try also Sewell’s A Forgotten Empire 
and Danver’s Portuguese in India (the latter very scanty and usually 
touching only the "Bouncello” — the Bhonsla of Vadi.) 1 2 But it is 
absolutely necessary for you to go patiently through the historical section 
of every volume of Campbell’s Bombay Gazetteer, 1st ed. It is a mine of 
information and full notes should be taken from it. 

India in the Fourteenth Century by Major (Hakluyt Society’s voL) 
will be quite useless to you in spite of its catching title. 

I am now workinjg on the battles of Merta 1790 and Lakheri* 1793....,,. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

1st Deer 1943. 

Herewith my draft of the proposed Ujjain Inscription. 

This is the city of Ujjain, the capital of the historical land of Malwa. 
It is one of the seven holiest cities of India, the favourite seat of the 

1. Vadi «r War! or Vvi : See Sa.vantva.di. 

2. "Lakheri is situated six mites south-west oi Balwan which is three miles south-east 
of Indargarh Railway Station," in Rajasthan. (Barker, Fall of tbs Mughal Bmpirt, IV, 89 ) 



Sanskrit Muse, the centre of Hindu Astronomical reckoning, and the 
most important depot of the trade between North India and our Western 
seaports. Here once reigned Vikramaditya the suzerain of Hindustan, 
the vanquisher of foreign invaders enemy of the Scythians] , the 

defender of the faith, the patron of learning and art, and the Hindu ideal 
of a perfect king. Here before the temple of Mahakal were acted the 
classical dramas of Kalidas 1 and Bhavabhuti, 1 and here were assembled 
the wit and wisdom of the Hindu age. Here once ruled Asoka the 
Maurya, Chashtana the Satrap, Chandragupta II the Gupta Emperor, 
and various later Rajput dynasties. In the evolution of history it at last 
became the capital of the Great Maharajah Mahadji Sindhia Alijah 
Bahadur, and now continues under the enlightened and prosperous rule 
of his royal descendants as a centre of banking and trade, industry and 
culture. 2000 Vikram Samvat. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

25th Deer. 1943. 

The death of Khase Sahib Pawar is a great loss to India's true 
national interests. He had vision and driving power, and devoted himself 
heart and soul to one corner of the almost hopeless problem of Hindu 
union. How much more could he not have accomplished if he had been 
spared longer and given a longer field than Dewas Junior ! I fear his good 
undertakings — like all Indian enterprises, — after their founder’s death will 
languish and then die out. The Rajput-Maratha union, if accomplished 
even in part, would have been the most eventful social reform in modern 
India. The time-spirit would have helped it on, if only there had been 
an engine of Khase Sahib’s power to drive it forward. I have sent his 
portrait and a short note to the Jany No. of the M.R. 

R. B. Avenue, 


The Elphinstone vols 1818-1829, will put the crown and dome on the 
edifice of Maratha history that you have been constructing all your life. 

* * * 

1. Kalidas was the great Sanskrit poet and dramatist. He was one of the nine gems of 
Vlkrattiaditya's Court. He is known as Indian Shakespeare. 

• 3, Bhavabhuti was the celebrated Sanskrit dramatist. 



Your date for Lakheri in Riyasat, Uttar ii, is wrong. It should be 
1 June 1793 ; the battle in Sep. 1792 was the skirmish at Surauli 1 2 fought 
on 8th Oct. 1792. See my “Battle of Lakheri" in the next Feby Mod. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

7th Feby 1944. 

I had never cared for money or pleasure in life, but I could never 
imagine that my old age would be so burdened with cares and anxieties 
for no fault of mine. 

• * * 

I am now devoting all my spare time to the Benares volume on 
Akbar, and hope to complete my portion of it in three months at the 
latest. Depression of mind has greatly reduced my working capacity and 
judged outwardly I have become very lazy. 

* * * 

Dr. R.C. Majumdar has agreed to be the paid Head of the Indian 

History Dept[.] of the Bhawan. He is a highly competent scholar and a 
man of driving power, and I am sure that Institution will now do some 
really useful research unless Dr. R.C.M. is driven out by provincial 
jealousy or personal intrigue. 

* * * 

Let me have your criticism of my account of the diplomacy and 
tactics of the Battle of Lakheri (in the Mod. Review ). 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

20th Feby. 1944. 

Posted 22nd Feby. 

With the end of Madhav Rao* I’s reign, the charted sea in Maratha 
history has been reached. What follows is less important (from an all* 
India point of view, because M. Sindbia 1785-93 was really not an 

1. Surauli is “situated in the region of Sawai Madhopur to the south of the River 
Banas” in Rajasthan* (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , III, 246.) 

2. Madhav Rao was born to Peshwa Balaji Rao on 16 February 1743. He became the 
Peshwa at the age of sixteen in 1761 and died an untimely death on 18 November 1772. He 
was great both in war and administration. “He stands as an outstanding figure in Maratha 
history and as a brilliant ornament to his nation.” (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 
H, 457, 465, 469, 471-72, 479, 481, 485, 487, 490, 492-3, 497, 509, 511, 515, 521, 527-29, 532-34, 
539-41» 543-551 ; Main Gurrmts of Maratha History , 151-54, 206, 215.) 


offshoot of the Poona political power-house, —you know I differ from you 
there) ; and the coming years 1773-1802 are fully known from printed 
English (Parliamentary) papers. Your life’s task may be truly said to have 
been now done ; even the Uttar Bibhsg w r ill require very few additions 
in a new edition. Happy is the man who has lived to complete his task. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace. 


4th March 1944, night 

P.S. What are the value, contents and time range of the Hingane 
family papers recently found at Nasik ? Anything new and important 
about Delhi affairs in the 18th century ? 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

2nd May, 1944. 

I have received from the Gulgule daftar transcripts of a dozen 
despatches on Lakheri which are extremely valuable and will compel me 
to rewrite my narrative of Surauli-Lakheri. 

• • * 

Mohan Singh's Waqai-Holkar is a Persian ms, 235 pages, foolscap 
quarto, 13 lines to the page. The English translation will cover 160 pages 
of the size of toy House of Shivaji. The cost will be 

(1) Translator’s fee Rs. 235 

(2) Typing the ms for press ... 45 

(3) Printing 160 pages ... 240 

(4) Paper for 500 copies ... 75 

(5) Cover & printing & binding ... 100 

Total ... 695 

The cost can be reduced by Rs. 60/- if we print 250 copies only. 
But the English transln. will have a good sale. 

- P. 255, Lake Terrace, 


9th May 1944, night. 

I am arranging to get Mohan Singh’s Waqai-Holkar (234 pp) trans- 
lated into English 

* * * 



Please read the Bombay Gazetteer ed. by Sir James Campbell, vol I, 
parts 1 and 2 very carefully for the ancient history and ethnology of 
Maharashtra (including Gujrat), otherwise your knowledge of the early 
history and culture of the province will not be complete ; smaller books 
cannot supply your real needs. 

* a * 

I have today finished reading Bhau Sahib’s Bakhar again ; it is full 
of palpable untruths and bazar gossip. The Panipat Bakhar written in 
1763 (against 1781 of the Bhau S.B) and by a competent secretary (and 
not a banker’s clerk in Delhi) is more reliable, but even that is not fit 
to be placed against Kashi Raj 1 2 or Sayyid Nuruddin Husain. 1 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

19th May 1944. 

The translation of Mohan Singh’s Life of Jaswant Rao Holkar from 
the Persian has been started 

* * * 

On going through Mohan Singh again, I find the book full of details 
of Jaswant Rao's 1 escape from confinement at Nagpur (as helped by 
Bhawani Shankar), 4 his movement step by step in Central India, his 
coronation at Maheshwar, 5 and his early battles and appointments. 
Much of this is unknown from Marathi sources. The book is certainly 
worth publishing ; I consider it a more useful history than Busawan Lai’s 
Amir Khan . 

1. Kashiraj Shiv Rao Pandit was the Maratha clerk of Shuja-ud-daulah. He was a 
Brahm&n by caste and served Shuja for a long time. He was present in Abdali’s camp during 
the Third Battle of Panipat and wrote a narrative of the battle in Persian in 1780. (Sarkar, 
Fall of the Mughal Empire , II, 320, 368-69.) 

2. Sayyid Nur-ud-din Hasan Khan was the close associate of Ghazi-ud-din, the younger# 
He was well- versed in Persian and wrote in that language the life of his friend’s opponent, 
Najib-ud-daulah, in 1773. Afterwards he was employed by Sir Malet as his Secretary and 
Persian interpreter. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , III, 377, f. n.. Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas . II, 199, 199 f. n.) 

3. Jaswant Rao effected his escape with the help of Bhawani Shankar# his faithful 
helpmate, on 9 April 1798. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , IV, 166.) 

4. Bhawani Shankar was the son of Rai Brijlal. He first met Jaswant Rao Holkar 
during his flight to Nagpur and became his faithful adherent. He 'acted as Jaswant Rao’s 
guardian# prime minister, diplomatic agent, and lieutenant in campaigns.’ (Sarkar, Fall of the 
Mughal Empire, IV, 165-66.) 

5. Maheshwar is a town in the old Indore State, situated cn the bank of the Narbada. 
It is the chief town of the Maheshwar District. {Imperial Gaae&eer of India, IX» 171.) 



P. 255, Lake Terrace, 


“ Bombay in the days of George IV" gives an account of the quarrels 
between the King’s Judges at Bombay (Sir Ed. West and Sir. ..Grant) 
and the Governors Elphinstone and Malcolm for eight years, and is a 
valuable picture of European society in those days 

* * « 

The Bakhshi Bhavani Shankar Yanchi Roznishi in Marathi printed 
by the Indore State is neither a Diary (as you can see), nor the composition 
of the Bakhshi himself. I have established by a full comparison that the 
Persian ms. which the Indore Foreign office mistook for “the 
composition of Bhawani Shankar dictated to Lala Dilsukh Rai, on 
30 Dec. 1810.” — is really an incorrect and incomplete ms. of my 
Waqai-i-Holkar. The Indore copy had evidently lost the first few 
leaves, which in my ms. distinctly says “Bakhshi B. S. urged his friend/ 
Mohan Singh to write a Life of Jaswant R. H., saying that it was most 
eventful and such a life would be greatly admired by the learned.” He also 
supplied Mohan S. with many additional facts from his personal knowledge.. 
My ms. ends with “Here ends this book composed by Mohan Singh ? and 

copied by Khalifa Ahsanullah on 25 Sept 1808.” 

# * * 

The Marathi Bh. S, Roznishi (Indore 1926) is so full of gross errors 
(admitted in the SKcH^T) that it is dangerous to use it. Perron 1 appears 
as Osborne Sahib in one place and Beri Sahib in another, and wrong 
names of places are beyond count. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 


2. It would be a fatal mistake for you to depend on any point on 
the Shiva Digvijaya. It is opposed to the principles of historic evidence. 

1. Perron, bom in France in 1735, came to India in 1786 and after serving the Rana of 
Gohad, Raja of Bharatpur, and Begam Samru joined De Boigne’s battalion in 1790 and rose to 
the chief command in 1796* He held this position till September 1803 when he deserted 
Sindhia’s service. He amassed a huge fortune and "returned to France to exhibit, as a trophy 
of his infamy, the diamonds and the millions be stole from the miserable Sindhia whom he 
betrayed. The conduct of this traitor assured the English the supremacy of Hindustan. 11 ’ He 
died in 1834. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , III, 294, 351, 41243 f. n., 412-14 ; 

Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 11142, 124, 245-60.) 



Borrow from the Bombay University (or any other College) Library, 
George's Historical Evidence and read it through. The legal principle is 
“False in one, false in all,” and such witnesses are totally rejected. 

3. In your estimate of Shivaji’s character and work (or the Maratha 
race) why should you give a summary of the opinions of all previous 
writers or even of all famous writers ? It is only the most authoritative 
writers on this special subject whose opinions count, all the other 
writers are out of count. Even Justice Ranade labours under the amiable 
delusion that the great Maratha saints and Shivaji himself were members 
of the PrSrthanS Samaj ! How very ridiculous. So, too, Acworth. 
Not a single one of his ballads for the period 1650-1690 is contemporary, 
not one of them is historical, several are demonstrably contrary to known 
contemporary (Persian or Marathi) evidence. Hence they have no value 
for the historian. But Acworth’s estimate of character is good. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

23rd July, 1944. 

I have been compelled, in the light of this new material, to scrap up 
my account of battle of Lakheri and even of the policy and diplomatic 
moves of the two chiefs. The battle did take place near the city of 
Lakheri and not six miles north of it in the Indargarh Pass. 1 The 
military moves are now known correctly and in minute detail, as on a 
chess board. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

25 Aug. 1944. 

It was no trouble to me to revise your ms at Kamshet last April, 
the weather was delightful, the surroundings most refreshing and you 
write a very clear hand, however fast, to which I have been accustomed 
for 40 years. Hence, no need of apologising. My only sorrow was that 
I differed from you so fundamentally on the law of historical evidence ; 
you know I reject as spurious — the letter to Jai Singh, the Hindavi swaraj 
& bel bhandar of Jedhe, the Shiva Digvijay and most of the Chitnis 

1. Indargarh is a town and railway station in Rajasthan and at this place there is a 
pass in the hills which runs north-east from Bundi to Indargarh side. (Sarkar, Fall of tty 
Mughal Empire, IV, 89.) 


Bakhar, — also the letters to Venkoji 1 after 1678, as contradicted by 
unimpeachable contemporary evidence 

Jaswant Rao Halkar. — I have taken so much pains in myself trans- 
lating the Persian work of Mohan Singh (miscalled Bhawani Shankar’s 
Diary, though the substance of it was dictated by Bhawani Shankar, who 
had lost both his hands in a battle with the English and therefore could 
not write a line) and since doing the translation I have been so busy over 
the Gulgule Daftar and the Holkar Kaifiyat in picking out and piecing 
together all authenticated and dated details about Jaswant Rao, that I do 
not wish to print a mere translation of the text without very copious 

notes and corrections from other sources, which would double its size 

* * * 

Kot Putli is not "Kosali," a rly stn 17 m. n. w. of Rewari, but a very 
old town (or rather two, Kot and Putli, 42 m. s. s. w of Rewari, and 27 
m. n. w. w. of Alwar city, 65 m. n. e. of Jaipur city, on the way to Rewari. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

16 Sept. 1944. 

Springel’s History of the Marathas (1782) seems to have been trans- 
lated into English by Ketkar’s wife’s sister Fraulein Kuhn) — at least that 
is my dim recollection. Inquire. The book is worthless, because the 
writer has merely translated some catch-penny English brochure 
produced during the first Maratha War. He could not have had access 
to true sources. Read the French motto on Rajwade’s first vol, “No 
document, no history.” 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

25th Sept 1944, 

Thanks for the two books sent by you. Shikhonka Shah is utter 
rubbish, based on pure fiction and bom of ignorance and racial vanity. 
The despatches to Ahalya Bai and others are very valuable, indeed the 

I. Vyankoji was the half-brother of Shivaji. His mother was Taka Bai Mobile. His 
greatest achievement was the conquest of Taajore ia January 1676. He crowned himself the 
king of Tanjore on 5 March 1676 and bis beneficent administration and encouragement of 
agriculture made him very popular. He survived Shivaji by nearly five years. (Saikar, 
Shivaji. 19. 101. IIS, 261-82, 298-300, 303-8 ; Hows* of Shivaji, 42 ; Sardesai. Now History 
of the Blarathtn, 1, 73, 74, 82, 133, 161, 1S2, 227-28, 237-43; Main Currants of Maratha 
History, 72.) 


24 $ 

most valuable of the series edited by Anant. I have tried to correct 
the dates (losing two days in thus groping in the dark) and had to differ 
from your inked suggestions. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

28th Dec. 1944, night. 

Your sad and worn-out face when you last shook hands with me 
before taking train for Kamshet with Bhau on the 26th Novr last, has been 
haunting my mind. You seemed to have been unexpectedly run down in 
health and spirit that afternoon, though there was no sign of such a 
decline during our previous four weeks’ companionship. Tell me how 
you really feel. Don’t travel alone, even for short runs on the railway. 

I am now hard at work, thanks to the agreeable weather, though 
Calcutta air even in winter is far inferior to that of Kamshet or Patna. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

18th June, 1945, night. 

I cannot leave Calcutta, though I have been half killed by the great 
damp heat and abnormal lack of rain. My enforced intellectual idleness, 
joined to anxiety about a daughter’s marriage and other domestic worries, 
have taken a/ll relish out of my existence. Were it not for my wife’s 
sake, I could have gone to some obscure village like Kamshet and buried 
myself there for three months severing my connections with the outer 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

13th July, 1945. 

On Sati in N. India 

Consult : — 

Hastings-Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics 13 volumes. 
Macdonell & Keith-I ?edic Index , 2 vols. 

H. H. Wilson-Htsf ory of India and essays 
Heber -Journal, 3 vols 

Ram Mohan Roy-English Works ( pamphlets ) 

Of course Thompson’s book will serve as a guide to a small extent. 
The information for the Muslim period is scattered through a variety of 
works and cannot be exactly specified. 

The early English travellers, even up to 1825 are valuable. 

250 jadUnath sarkar commemoration Volum£ 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

1st Oct. 1945. 

L There is no account of the battle of Laswari, 1 2 3 (1st Nov. 1803) 
in the Kota daftar, nor in Mohan Singh’s Waqai-i-Holkar (the so-called 
Diary of Bakhshi Bhawani Shankar. You should use Thorn’s Memoir of 

the War in India and also "War and Sport in India ” for the English 

version of the fighting. 

2. Col. J. Collins,* the British Resident, was a small-sized but very 
pompous and proud man, always dressed in full formal robes. His temper 
made it impossible for Elphinstone to act as his Assistant. The future 
Duke of Wellington, when General Arthur Wellesley (1803) paid him a 
visit and was received with a salute of all the artillery in the Resident’s 
camp 1 Wellesley told his A.D.C., capt. Blakiston that Collins reminded 
him of “the little monkey dressed for Bartholomew Fair”. On account of 
his vanity and pomposity, he was familiarly known to other British 
officers as King Collins. 

3. Mador-ul-Maham is an Arabic phrase meaning the centre of 
affairs (of State) “H«i frrcqj It is usually applied in Persian histories 
as a general designation of prime ministers. In the florid Persian letters 
from the Delhi Court to the Poona Darbar, Nana would be naturally styled 
Madar-uUmaham. I take it as an epithet or adjective rather than a 
personal title. It is an imperial title ; the Nizam had no right to confer 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

30th Deer. 1945, night. 

(2) The inspiring passage in one of my writings which you are 
searching for, occurs in the course of my account of the Battle of Haldighat*, 
published in the Modern Review in 1943 ; but it merely stresses the 

1. "The village of Laswari (correctly called Naswari) crowns the steep northern 
bank of a rivulet named Baraki Nala, 20 miles due east of Alwar City." (Sarkar, Fall of the 
Mughal Empire , IV, 297-98.) 

2. Collins John, was the Resident at Danlat Rao Sicdbia’s Court (tom 1795 to 1803 and 
at the Nawab of Oudh’s Court from 1804 to 1807 when he died. ( Concise Dictionary, of 
National Biography , 264.) 

3. The bloody battle of Haldighat was fought between Akbar's generals Man Singh and 
Asaf Khan on the one hand and Maharana Pratap on the other hand at Haldighat pass in 
Rajasthan in 1576 in which Fratap was defeated. 



ennobling character of the life of Rana Pratap of Mewar. You have 
evidently mixed it up with an extract from Motley's Rise of the Dutch 
Republic which I sent to you when returning your typescript by post ; it 
tells us that the struggle of a small liberty-loving nation against a 
tyrannical empire is one of the most elevating examples of human 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

29th April, 1946. 

Received your last letter, which was penned under drooping spirit. 
Heaven knows, you have every earthly reason to be sad in the lonely 
evening of your day. But you had so long successfully made your will- 
power triumph over outward circumstances, that this letter has come to me 
as a surprise. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

Saturday, 11th May 1946. 

This letter will reach you on your 82nd birthday. In one way it is a 
blessing to have merely lived for 81 years and a still greater happiness to 
have spent long years for the benefit of others. Neither of us have merely 
browsed for over three quarters of a century. But if by happiness is meant 
the enjoyment of comfort and pleasure, and freedom from mental agony, 
then neither you nor I have been happy. We have, no doubt, both 
reached heights of public fame, solid literary success, health, longevity and 
freedom from material want, that we could not have dreamt of in our 
childhood. Further, we have been supremely happy in our parents, 
"brothers and above all in our two partners in life. But the evening of 
our day is clouded. You now stand alone, a lonely hermit on a lofty 
solitary cliff. I am engrossed by domestic worries, though both of us have 
been personally spared any breakdown of health. 

On this day, only one thought floats uppermost in my mind : May 
what little life is still left to us, be spent in continuing that service to 
knowledge and the seekers of truth which has been the consolation and 
glory of our lives, regardless of material reward or public fame f 



1, Circular Road, 
Dehra Dun, 

19th June 1946. 

1. The style of a book is not the same as that of a popular lecture. 
Many things are said and a wordy diluted style is necessarily used when 
addressing a crowd of half-educated young men, who are not expected to 
ponder on the words afterwards, as the readers of a book studied in quiet 
do. Therefore, your platform oratory style of writing— and particularly 
your habit of putting into your history every thought, every patriotic 
reflection, every argument however trivial that rises in your mind while 
holding the pen for writing this history,— must be severely restrained and 
mercilessly curtailed, if your book is to share a better fate than Parasnis 
and Kincaid’s 3 volumes,— which have succeeded in merely spoiling the 
market for better books. 

# * # 

4. True, interpretation must differ according to the writer’s 
personality ; but the basis of the conclusions must be unquestionable 
facts (as established by the latest research) and not mere conjecture. 
Moreover, the interpretation must be such as to convince an impartial 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

7th Aug. 1946, night. 

(a) The Karnal district (including Panipat) passed into British 
hands in 1804, and soon afterwards a land survey and revenue assessment 
was conducted by British officers. The records of this survey contain 
full information about land boundaries, ownership, water-courses and 
important historical events. These “settlement reports’’ were consulted 
(in ms) by Sir Denzil Ibbetson, I.C.S., when he wrote his Karnal 
District Gazetteer c. 1865,— a century after the battle, when the remains 
of the Maratha entrenchments were still there and Ibbetson noted 
them, (by The ten miles between the Jamuna river and Panipat town 
are sometimes flooded, and when the floods recede, the face of the earth 
is greatly changed ; hence a modern map of the Panipat sub-division is 
not helpful to us. I possess a large map dated 1854. (c) It was 

impossible for Ahmad Shah 1 to encamp long (more than a week) on the 

l. Ahmad shah Abdali was the son of Zaman Shah and was bora at Multan. Nadir 



w. bank of the Jamuna. He soon moved far inland, to a place south 
(and not , east) of Panipat town, and the name of this village is given in 
the records. I personally went there during my second visit to Panipat, 
(but naturally found no trace left now.) 

Hence my location of Abdali’s camp and the battlefield is correct. 

About the timing of the battle, I am correct if the morning is taken 
to begin with the sunrise at the longitude of Panipat and not by the 
"Indian standard time.” At all events, my statements as meaning "so 
many hours after daybreak” are quite correct and helpful to the 

I refuse to reply to the repetition of the old cry that I cannot 
translate Marathi words correctly ; the same that was tried against my 
Shivaji. Not a single example of my ignorance in this respect (except 
chop = Ifra seal, not in Marathi but in an English Factory Record) has 
been cited in these 27 years ( Shivaji , 1st ed. pub. in 1919) 

The statement that I have not used some papers relating to (what ? 
Bhau’s previous movements and policy, or the actual battle of Jan. 1761 ?) 
Panipat given in Parasnis’s Itihas Sangraha is another dishonest trick 
for influencing ignorant readers. I thoroughly combed Parasnis’s 7 vols 
of the Itihas Sangraha, but found there no information either of 
importance or in addition to what I had found in other and more direct 
sources.) You know best what information on the Panipat battle the 
I. S. contains ; precious little. 

It would be a waste of time to argue that camp fire gossip, written 
down by low-class amlas ( karkuns ), such as the Marathi Panipat Bakhar 
and Bhau Sahib’s Bakhar, cannot be considered as authentic sources, or 
set side by side with the despatches and State papers such as Rajwade 
Vol 1, or Nuruddin and Kashi Rao’s narratives. A modern European 
scholar would laugh to hear such a claim. But research in Maharashtra 
(and elsewhere too in India) is still primitive, and we cry out like 
Purandare or Apte, at every written scrap, “I TO* *nt,” — it 

may be a piece of closet-paper. 

Shah captured him as a prisoner of war and being struck by his bright features, enlisted him 
as one of his personal slaves. Nadir Shah was deeply impressed by his bravery and general- 
ship and appointed him the chief commander of his personal contingent of 6,000. After the 
assassination of Nadir Shah on 9 June 1747, the Afghan chiefs unanimously elected him their 
leader. He was one of the greatest conquerors who have ever appeared in Asia and was the 
first Afghan King who laid the foundation of the Afghan Kingdom in Afghanistan. He died at 
Murgha on 14 April 1772 and was buried in his favourite city of Kandahar. (Gupta* Studies 
in Later Mughal History of the Panjab , 156—230,) 



And what a mass of irrelevant matter in the introduction 1 Clive’s 
forgery-— does that justify the alleged Maratha exaction of t.*. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 

21 Aug. 1946, morning 

We are quite safe and well in this ward of the city ; but Basant Roy, 
a retired judge and son-in-law of Roy Bahadur M.C. Sarkar (of the book 
shop, also a judge) has been murdered and his house in Park Circus looted 
by organised hooligans. No post, no public conveyance, no fish or meat, 
no fresh vegetables except leaves (and that too in very small quantities) 
available since the morning of the 17th. Our faithful milkman and the 
defence organisation (all volunteers) have kept us alive. The situation 
is now improving except for solitary stabbing and the fear of it which 
keeps workmen away. 

255, Lake Terrace, 


After the recent massacres and general plunder our post offices 
reopened two days ago. We are all well, except that my eldest brother’s 
son-in-law’s sister’s husband (a retired District & Sessions Judge) has been 
hacked to pieces and his property (including all the ornaments of the 
ladies in the house) have been looted. 

My grandson Susanta has lost some books. His medical mess was 
partly raided by the local Muslim riff-raff, but he himself was safe in our 
house on those days ; his loss is below Rs 100/- 

255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta, 29, 

30th Sep. 1946. 

Though we are personally safe arid our ward has been quiet, normal 
life and activities are impossible. The administration is hopelessly ineffi- 
cient and dishonest and, as no improvement can be expected in the natural 
course of things, the future for the Hindus here is unspeakably dark. 
This depression has affected my literary production. 

SARKAR-SARDESAI correspondence 255 

255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

23rd Jany 1947, 

Two months ago, I carefully went through the Shiva-Digvijaya again, 
and the result is a confirmation of my theory that it is a modern conco- 
ction for glorifying the Prabhu caste. 

255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

12 Feb. 1947. 

My health is my only solace, but my age is my despair. 

255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

16th Feby 1947, night. 

Y R Gupte writes to say that some folios of an old ms of the 
Sdbkasad Bakhar which he possesses, contain the information that at 
Shivaji’s coronation in 1674, Kavindra Parmanand received rewards for s 
Sanskrit eulogy. No other source contains this information and nobody 
else has mentioned that the poet was alive in that year. You have 
inspected Gupte’s ms. What is your opinion about the authenticity and 
date of this entry ? My own belief is that Parmanand was not among the 
11,000 Brahmans entertained at Raigarh 1 in the Coronation month at a 
cost of lakhs of Rs, and that if he was still alive (which I doubt), he was 
an old invalid living elsewhere and soon to die. This is proved by the 
incomplete condition in which (he) left his Anupuran, stopping in 1662, 
just before the Chhatrapati’s most glorious deeds. 

255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

4th July, 1947. 

1 have now begun writing letters again and also taken up my 
suspended literary work. What robs me of my peace of mind is not grief 

1* Raigarh or Raigad is situated 32 miles south-west of Poona in the Rolaba District of 
the Bombay State. Originally known as Reiri the town and the fort fell into the hands of 
tfc* celebrated Shivaji in 1648 and were renamed by him as Raigarh in 1662. It was known 
to the "early Europeans as the Gibraltar of the east.” The fort there was considered as the 
strongest one in India in the eighteenth century and became more famous during Shivaji’s time, 
for it served as his capital from 1664 to 1630, (Imforuti GamMUtr of l mdUh XI; 363-64,) 


for loss — which religion or resignation to fate can enable a man to bear, 
but the worry of having to manage the affairs of those who should, in the 
normal course of nature, have looked after me in my old age, but have 
gone away so early and left on my shoulders the burden of settling their 
property troubles, educating their sons, and marrying their orphan 
daughters. Two widowed daughters and one widowed daughter-in-law 
are now sheltered in my house, and unless I can enjoy ten years more of 
life and health, how can I set on their feet Abani’s 1 sons now aged 16 and 
14, or Sudba’s sons, aged 15, 13 and 11, or provide husbands for 
Priyambada's seven daughters all of whom have been orphaned when 
maidens ? Satyen (my second son) is now in a broken down condition and 
cannot be expected to lead a robust helpful life for 10 or 12 years more.* 
Both my eldest son-in-law and Abani died in their 51st year, and Major 
Sushil Ghose was ten years younger still. 

* * * 

I have today started revising my English Shivaji for the 4th edn. In 
a few days I shall return your remaining Chapters (Vol III.) as revised by 
me. I find among my papers your suggestion for improving my Shivaji, 
starting from a page marked 5 and referring to my book p. 20, line 8, and 
going on to the end. Did you send any comments on this book pp. 1-19 
and I have mislaid or lost them (your pp. 1-4) ? Not likely. Please look 
into your drafts. 

1. Abani ,Jadunath’s eldest son, stabbed to death by Muslim hooligans in 1947. 

P. 255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29 * 

N. B. Roy to G.S.S. 29 H 

In your eighty-second you are pushing on with your “New History of the Marathi 
people*’ like a young man of twenty-two in utter unconcern to the affairs of the world yet you 
will probably be shocked to hear what I am conveying. 

Dr. Abani N. Sarkar, eldest son of Sir J. was coming from his press on Friday afternoon 
at about 5*30 when he was stabbed at the junction of the Dharamtalla & Esplanade just in 
front of the Methodist Church. A clergyman immediately ran up, held him in his arms and 
conveyed him to the Med. Coll. Hospital but he succumbed on Sunday night at about 12 A.M. 
(night) & the incident taking place on Monday afternoon at 5-30 P.M. 

It is a stunning piece of news but you are now a Sthita Pragna and we bear the shock 
with a calm resignation. 

Sir J* too is outwardly calm and resigned but I have seen him sitting alone and looking 
out vacantly into the open. Kindly do what you can to console him. It .has been a terrible 
blow. May God give him strength to bear it up. 

2# Satyen died in September 195 5, vide infra, J. N. S. to G. S. S. dated 10. 9. 1955. 



255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

27th July 1947. 

The last chapter plays the part of a decorated European shop-window 
to every book. Therefore, your ch. XVII must be rewritten as suggested 
by me, and further revised in typescript by me, before it can be passed for 
the press. A great work in 3 vols, representing a life’s work, cannot be 
allowed to be damned by reason of a faulty or commonplace last chapter. 
This is a known principle of literary craftsmanship. 

You will see that I now hold the view that Shahji was never a loyal 
or contented vassal of Bijapur, nor an unprincipled helper of the Muslims 
in subverting Hindu kingdoms. He fought for his own selfish ends, 
with the assistance and under the prestige of the Adil Shahi State. Why 
he quarrelled with that State— not only in 1648 when he was confined, — 
several times is clear from the Adil Shahi farmans traced in the Sayyidia 
Library of Haidarabad and first used by me. My theory will be 
acceptable in Europe, I think. 

# # * 

My literary programme is as follows — 

1 Finished my portion of the Dacca University History of Bengal 
vol. II. Muslim Period, except for the last chapter... 

(Work over on 2nd July) 

2. Revised the House of Shivaji for a 2nd ed. 

(Work over on 23rd July) 

3. Revised Sardesai vol III. (24th & 25th) 

4. Rewriting of Shivaji for a 4th edn. Upto 31st Aug. or 15 Sept. 

5. Sept 16-30. Write the last chapter 
(Siraj-ud-daula 1 ) of the Dacca University history. 

6. 1 Oct. — 29 Feb. 1948. Compose my Fall of the Mughal Empire, 
vol IV. 

7. March 1948. Finish the Benares University History, vol. on 
Akbar (half done 3 years ago 

8. April. Prepare Poona Residency Correspondence last volume 
(Daulat Rao Sindhia 1809-1818) 

If I live so long, I shall thereafter be a free man* 

1* Siraj-ud-daulah succeeded Alivardi Khan in April 1756. He was defeated by Clive 
on 23 June 1757 at PUssey and was executed by Miran, eon of Mir Jafar. (Buckiand, Dictionary 
of Indian Biography, 410.) 



9. My English translation of Bakhshi Bhawani Shankar’s Life of 
Yashwant Rao Holkar has been lying ready in typescript for 
over two years. But I cannot risk printing it in the present 
economic conditions. 

10. I wish very much to print under my editorship and at the 
expense of the two Shivaji and Sardesai fund surpluses 
(a) the Jaipur Dingal letters on Shivaji’s visit to Agra, 
and (b) the Kota daftar, selections onty 1793-1804, the Marathi 
typescript is with me, and I have only to add English 
summaries. Dates already settled. 

255, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

19th Aug. 1947. 

I have lost all my high opinion of Paramanand as a contemporary 
historian, after a thorough second examination of his epic, in the course 
of preparing the 4th edn of my Shivaji. He was no historical recorder 
in any sense of the term, and not only an insufferable flatterer but also 
a dishonest reporter. He had a list of Muslim and Deccani nobles, 
which supplied him with the names of the leaders in every battle from 
Bhatvadi 1 2 3 (1624) to the Afzal Khan affair (1659), though many of them 
were dead in the interval. His account of the Javli* affair thoroughly 
discredits him when confronted with Sabhasad. Bakhar and Jai Singh’s 
despatches. Similarly the Shiva Digvijaya is a modern Prabhu concoction, 
intended (by some modern gossipy old man, well read in Sanskrit but not 
in tawarikh) to glorify the Kayastha families, as the greatest and most 
loyal helpers of Shivaji. This sort of propaganda writing sickens me. 
What a strange consequence here of the Jig f ! ! It poisoned even 


* # # 

I also accept your view that Afzal Khan reached Wai* in September 
and not in June. Please refer to Shiva Patra Sar Samgraha, pt 3, 

1. Bhatvadi could be identified 10 miles east of Ahmadnagar town. The famous battle 
between Malik Amba * and the combined forces of the Mughal and Adil Shah of Bijapur was 
fought here in which Malik Ambar inflicted a crushing defeat on the allied forces in 
November 1624. (Sardesai, New History of the Mar at has, 1, 54.) 

2. Javli is a sub-division of the Satara District of Bombay State. 

3. Wai stands on the Krishna, 20 miles north-west of Satara and 15 miles east of 
Mabableshwar. It is a sacred place and commercial centre. Here is half a mile long pacca 
ghat on the river Krishna where the people are engaged in ablution from morning till evening. 
(Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, IV. 45 ; Imperial Gazetteer of India, XIII, 509.) 



No. 2620, and tell me whether by changing the punctuation we can 
deduce from this document the names of Balaji, Daulat Rao, Yesaji Sur 
Rao— all three successive Chandra Raos. Three men are mentioned as 
reigning in succession (evidently at one place, Javli.) What were these 
•names ? Daulat Rao’s widowed mother adopted a son ; was he Yesaji, 
created Chandra Rao & killed by Shivaji ? When was Yesaji's father 
Surya Rao ? 

Calcutta 29, 

20 Aug 1947. 

I have returned Kibe’s copy of the Shiva Digvijay ; it is worthless, 
in spite of all your faith in it. Some idiotic modern Prabhu concocted it 

to glorify the Prabhu servants of the Chhatrapati 

* * * 

Herewith two urgent inquiries. The original Persian farman to 
Jedhe (by Md. Adil Shah in Feb. 1656 ?) should be carefully examined 
with a lens for the date 

Calcutta 29, 

Afzal Kh. destroyed the Tulja Bhavani, not the famous Tulja in the 
Naldurg district (now under the Nizam), but the goddess of the temple in 
the Poona district. Send me the exact name (Khed or Pabal ?) of the 
latter place with some notes on it. 

255 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

3rd Sept. 1947. 

When a historian quotes a document within inverted commas, he 
ought to give it faithfully word for word. But if he doctors the language 
to suit his theory, he will be charged with dishonesty. 

* * * 

A new and critical edition of the Sabhasad Bakhar based upon old 
mss. is a sorely neglected task for Maratha scholarship. 

Calcutta 29. 
Night, 5-9-47. 

Please open your on p. 29. Where do you get the date 

1643 for a second visit of Shivaji to his father ? I accept the first visit 


(at Bangalore) but none at Bijapur. On p. 209. you write 9$ 

to— v — U • 

(Sane, 4th ed, says 1637.) 

This is an exact date, and not a conjectural year. I have found no 
support for this date in my Shakavali. Please quote your authority for 
it to me, 

255 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

24th Jany. 1948. 

This fourth volume of my Fall of the Mughal Empire is giving me 
more trouble than I had expected. In fact, in now taking up the threads 
of the subject dropped by me ten years ago (on the completion of Vol III), 
I find that much of the subject has passed out of my memory and I must 
begin my study afresh like a beginner. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
25th June 1948. 

I have been passing my days in a sort of living death in the damp 
* ~*.t of Calcutta since my return. What grieves me most is that I can do 
literary work in this climate, but have to pass my days like a bullock 
or frog. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

4th Aug. 48. 

H. A. L. Fisher’s History has been called by the Times “a Gibbon- 
like work”,— no higher praise can be given to a modern historian. 


Swai Man Singh Historical Series, Jaipur. 

The Editor, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, proposes that the publication of 
these records should be done with the help of the Rajputana University, 
through a section of the Vice Chancellor's office under his orders. This 
will be the procedure : The editor will prepare the press cdpy, notes and 
introductions in Calcutta and [send] it to the Vice Chancellor for being 
censored by the State minister in charge of this item. The copy as 
finally passed by the minister should be seat to the press by the Vice 



Chancellor directly, and the correction of the proofs of the Dingal and 
Persian portions should be done at Jaipur by competent proof readers 
hired by the Vice Chancellor out of the Oarbar grant of Rs 300 0/- for the 
first year. The English portion will be corrected by the Editor in 

The correspondence with the press, and payments will be done 
entirely by the Vice Chancellor. The Editor will not draw any money 
except for meeting the copying or typing charges of the portions that 
have to be transcribed in Calcutta under his eyes. 

A good deal of time will be saved and the volume of correspondence 
reduced, if the business side of the publication is located in Jaipur, and 
all points as they arise from day to day, are settled personally between 
the Vice Chancellor and the minister concerned, instead of referring 
them to the Editor in far-off Calcutta. 

I recommend the Agra Law Journal Press for the work. 

10 Lake Terrace, 

Calcutta 29. Jadunath Sarkar 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

5th Jany. 1949, night. 

The Government of India (the present and its predecessor during 
1939-47) having robbed me of four-fifths of my wealth by issuing bogus 
notes and base-metal rupees, I have been compelled in my old age to earn 
fresh money if I am not to exhaust all my savings by spending them on 
my current monthly expenditure, and bring starvation down on my family 
after some ten years, when all my Government Papers, bank balances, 
and shares will have been sold and spent up. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

31 Jan 1949. 5 p.m. 

Please refer to Rajadhyakshya's Life of Jivva D. Bakhshi ,* p. 326. 

1. Jivva Dads Bakhsbi was the devoted general at Mahedji Sindh i». He died in 
Jeanary 1796. (Sardesei, Nm Hittoty th Mmratkat, HI, 149, 316; Sarkar. Fall of the , 
Mughal Empire* IV, 8L S3.) 



and tell me if it is true that Lakhwa Dada 1 was posted in Hindustan by 
Mahadji & D R Sindhia as naib (deputy or subordinate) to Jagu Bapu,* 
or as an independent subahdar. The P. R. C. always mention L D 
first & J. B. next. 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

19th March 1949. 

We are both very old now and with more work on our hands than 
we can hope to finish before our exit. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

5th June 1949. 

The heat of the last 20 days has half killed me, by upsetting my 
iver, destroying my appetite and leaving me languid. But there is no 
remedy this year. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29. 

18 June 1949, 9 A.M. 

I have put my enforced delay in Calcutta to the best use, by editing 
an correcting the Eng. tr. of the Ain-i-Akbari Vol II (a most exhausting 
an stupendous task the value of which only some English scholar will 
appreciate) and by continuing correcting and finally arranging my Fall 
0 e ughal Emp. Vol IV. upto 1799 — completing all N. Indian affairs, 
except a half chapter on Jaswant Holkar’s fights on the Narmada— to 
a wa s ^ eat h 1802. The doings of Jaswant in Maharastra (1802) 
and Perron s growth and treachery, as well as Assaye 1803— remain to be 
written to complete the narrative portion of this final volume. 

„ J^* hman Anant Lai, popularly known as Lakhwa Dada, was an able general of 
H " appointed Sindhia’s Viceroy in Northern India in November 1794 
0f / 1Ce , t !! 1 March 1798 when he waa arrested. In September 1799 he was again 
ppo te Deputy of DaulatRao Sindhia’s North Indian dominions and was made the Viceroy 

5“ dismi3sed in May 1800. tf e was an honest and devoted officer and 
, r r 0,t / gainStDau,at *« Sindhia’s ill-treatment of Mahadji’s widows. 
”* -L . F,b, " r ’ 1802 - (S "U'.Patla/m Mughal Bmgira, III. Wl: IT. SI. MM.. 
169 78, Sardesai, New History of the Mara that. Ill, 365-66.) 

2 i / aga ° Da * h Ram Krishna, popularly known as Jagu Bapu, was the first cousin of Jiva 
ada Bakhsbl. Daulat Rao Sindhia appointed ‘Lakhwa and Jagu Bapu as his deputies in 
September 1799. (Sarkar. Fall of the Mughal Empire, 1 V, 143, 145, 157.) 


10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

Nov 10-1949. 

I have now worked to the battle of Hadapsar (25 Oct 1802), and 
rearranged the whole campaign from May, to my satisfaction. A confused 
jungle has been cleared and dates ascertained. Where exactly is 
or ! Draw a line from Theur to old Puna and another from 
Theur to Hadapsar, and mark in the space between these two lines, i.e„ 
north of Hadapsar (village, ar.d not the modern upstart railway station) 

where Kavdi is situated. See Khare's Lekh Sangraha xiv. nos. 6465, 

also Purandari Daftar ii. Oct. 1802. 

Give the bearings of Kavdi to Loni 1 2 (a rly station after Hadapsar 
on the Puna-Dhond line.) 

Calcutta 29, 

20th Nov 1949. 

In the Gulgule Daftar transcripts now with me, there is no letter 
between that of 11 Aug 1803 ("In Puna there are some English Paltans ; 
the Governor General’s brother is with them”) and that of Ashwin 
Badya 30 (15 Oct. 1803) which reports the battle of Assaye. If there are, 
in your collection any letters of the intervening two months, esp. such as 
describe the conditions in Sindhia’s camp after he had set out on the 
Assaye campaign (say Sap. 1-23) please send copies of them to me. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

8th January 1950. 

Let me know to which branch of the Brahman caste Lalji Ballal, 
news-writer in Daulat Rao’s camp, i.e., the GulguU agent and the writers 
of Purandarfi Daftar, vol II. (1802 letters on Jaswant Holkar’s invasion) 
belonged 1 

1. Loni is a town 11 miles south of Poona. 

2, They were Saraswat Brahmans. (Vide G. S. S. to J. N. S. 13. 1. 50.) 


10 Lake Terrace, 

Calcutta 29, 

9th Feb. 1950. 

Thanks for the Vaidya Daftar, Vol IV, received from you a week 
ago. It does supply many details of the intrigues at Sahu's court in his 
last days, and only 2 letters of interest to me— viz., the Bhonsles’ raids 
into Bengal. Three fourths of the volume is pure rubbish. 

10 Lake Terrace, 

Cal 29, 1 Apr 1990. 

When General Perron resigned Daulat Rao Sindhia’s service in 
July 1803, Ambaji Ingle 1 was sent from the Deccan with 15 (or 7) of De 
Boigne’s* battalions to N. India to take his place. This force arrived 
near Agra in Oct. that year, and was annihilated by Lake 8 at Laswari on 
1st Nov. 1803. Lake in his despatches speaks of the Maratha commander 
in that battle as Abaji, 4 which I suppose was a Persian mis-spelling of 
Ambaji. But G. Duff writes that he could not ascertain who this Abaji 
was, “probably one of Ambaji’ s karkuns." Khare 157 vol. xix, p. 7937 
says that at Laswari the Deccani cavalry (only 2000) was commanded by 
Gulab Rao Kadam 5 and a Fadnis. Does the History of the Gwalior sardars 

1* Ambaji Ingle served under Mahadji Sindhia as his agent- general in Mewar lor eight 
years. After the death of Mahadji. he tried to ingratiate himself with Daulat Rao Sindhia 
and became his helpmate. Daring his viceroyalty of Sindhia’s dominions in Northern India, 
he mismanaged the affairs and amassed a large fortune. He was no soldier and “sank to the 
lowest depth of cowardice and villainy when at Laswari (November 1, 1803), he sent his 
sepoys on the battle, only to be butchered by the thousand, while he himself remained safe 
in the rear and made his escape at the first opportunity/ 1 (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal 
Empire, IV, 50, 152, 157, 274-77.) 

2. De Boigne was Mahadji’s French General. He was born in Savoy on 8 March 1751 
and sailed to India in 1778. He entered Sindhi&’s service in 1784 and fought many battles for 
him. He resigned his commission in December 1795 for reasons of health and left for Europe 
in 1796. He died in 1830. (Sardesgi, New History of ike Marathas, Id, 140, 217-20.) 

3. Lake, (Lord) Gerard, was the British Commander-in-Chief. He was an experienced 
and able general and assisted Wellesley in the breaking up of the Maratha Confederacy, 

4. "The supreme head of Sindhia’s forces in this battle is named Abaft in the English 
despatches, clearly a Persian scribe’s miswriting of Ambaji by dropping the dot tnuqta) for «i. 
This name puzzled Grant Duff, who writes (iii,253 n), "I have not ascertained who ibis officer 

was It was perhaps one of Ambaji Ingle's car coons. 1 * The Maratha records clearly 

state that Ambaji fought the English at Laswari (Khare, XIV, pp. 7938 and 7919). No clerk 
UCarkun ), whose name is utterly unknown in Maratha history could have been commander •in- 
chief of Sindhia's choice brigades at Laswari ” 4 Fail of ikeMughal Empire* IV, HI). 

5. See Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, m, 299, 103, 305, 111. 


give the name of this Fadnis ? Was he Abaji ? My sheets of the 
Gulgule daftar do not touch the battle of Laswari. Do your Gulgule 
papers contain any account of this battle ? If so, please send me a 
translation of such letters immediately, and also report if you can trace 
Ambaji Ingle’s movements 20 Oct — 6 Nov. 1803. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

5th Ap. 1950. 

Don’t worry about Ambaji Ingle’s movements in Oct. 1803. One 
hour after posting my last card to you, I found conclusive evidence in 
Khar£ [ , ] xiv. that he was present at Laswari. I now want to know 
about Sarwar Khan*, who (according to James Skinner, an ex-officer of 
Perron) really led the Sindhian army at Laswari and also at Delhi 
(11 Sep.) Can you trace him or his family in the Gwalior Jagirdar History, 
2 vols in your library ? 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

15th May, 1950, night. 

On this your 86th birthday, I have given the finishing touch to the 
last chapter of my Fall of the Mughal Empire and sent it to the press. 
Its subject is even more truly the fall of the Maratha Empire. 

I can say that I have written it, not with ink, but with my heart’s 
blood. In saying so, I am not thinking of the personal sorrows and 
anxieties — which have clouded the evening of my day, nor of the minute 
study and exhausting labour that had to be devoted to the subject in this 
terrible summer heat,— but of the subject matter of the last chapters, — 
the imbecility and vices of our rulers, the cowardice of their generals, and 
the selfish treachery of their ministers. It is a tale which makes every 
true son of India hang his head down in shame. But, at last, my task is 
done, and I am free again. 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
19th Octr. 1950. 

My Fall. Vol II (Panipat) has been minutely revised and corrected 
for the 2nd edn., of which the first 360 pages (upto the death of Sadashiv 

1. See Fall of the Mughal Emirirt, IV, 291 1. n., 300, 302, 303, 311. 


Rao Bhau) have been already printed. On taking stock of the changes, I 
find that Shejwalker, after his 14 years of “strenuous and exclusive 
labour" on the Panipat campaign of four months — against the entire North 
Indian history for 17 years treated in my second volume, — has been able to 
correct me in only four small points, namely 

(1) Ghatika means 24 mts and not one hour (ghanta) 

(2) The moon set at midnight and not at 9. 15 p. m. 

(3) Nana Fadnis wrote that in the evening when Mehendele 1 fell, 
the Marathas were at first hopeful of destroying the entire (enemy) army. 
As this sentence had no nominative and no personal pronoun before 
the word “army”, I mistook it for the Maratha army. But Shejwalker’s 
inference that that night’s fighting increased the confidence of the 
Marathas is falsified by the report of the Gaekwad troops as recorded only 
8 months after the battle. Here I am right. 

(4) Gopal Ganesh Barv£’s’ Oudh raid began on 29 Dec. and not at 
the beginning of that month as I had conjectured. This correction is due 
solely to the publication after 1934 (i.e , the 1st ed of my Vol II) of the 
full letter of Barv6 in the Aitihasik Sank. Sahitya III of which only a 
fragment was available to me in Purandar£ Daftar, i. 392, in 1933. And 
even there, I had added that this raid was said to have taken place in 
January 1761. 

* * * 

It has long been a dream with me that a Research institute (for 
post-graduate work) and a first class public school (like the Doon School, 
but not so costly or aristocratic) may be established at Lonavla,® and I 
included this point in my note to the last University Commission 
(Radhakrishna[n]’s). But under our present Government there is no hope 
of our living to see its realisation. A full and learned library is the 
indispensable first requisite of a research institute, and in respect of 
books Lonavla is no better than the Sahara desert. 

1. Balwant Rao Mehendele was the renowned lieutenant of Sadasbiv Rao Bhau, the 
Maratha commander-in-chief at the Third Battle of Panipat. He lost his life in a skirmish 
with Najib Khan on 7 December 1760. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, II. 304-406 ; 
Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, II. 306, 331, 416, 430.) 

2. The Maratha raid into Oudh under Gopal Ganesh Barve began on 29 December 1760 
aad failed disastrously. "At all events, this raid cum fomented rebellion in Oudh did not affect 
the issue at Panipat.” (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, II, 313-14, 314 f. n., 1. N. S. to 
G. S. S. dated 19-10-1950.) 

3. Lonavla is situated 39 miles north-west of Poona on the Poona-Kalyan railway line. 



10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

13 Dec. 1950. 

As for Ujjain, please read my article in the Vikram 2000 Jay anti 
Volume issued from Ujjain two years ago. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

18th Jany 195L 

With breathless labour I have finished editing, correcting and 
preparing for the press the mss of Poona Residency Vols X (Kumar 
Raghuvir) and XIV (myself) and the first 8 sample pages of each, as 
submitted by the press have been approved by me. I have every hope of 
Vol X being completed and bound before 31 March next ; as for Vol XIV. 
I am hopeful [ of ] success after some amount of hard driving. 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

23rd January 1951. 

I do not share your optimism that this Conference will succeed in 
dragging the Jaipur royal archives into the light of day, or even in 
actually publishing a scholarly history of India ; their past action— or more 
correctly, inaction — gives no support to such an expectation. 

I still hold to my decision of not wasting my time by joining in such 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
14th March 1951. 

The Poona Residency Correspe vol. X (ed. by Kumar Raghuvir Sinh) 
was entirely printed last week and is now being bound for despatch to 
Bombay. Vol XIV, (ed. by me) was printed yeSterday, and when the Index 
is printed today, it will be handed over to the binders. 

The work is at last done, — and I too am done. For three months I 
had to suspend all my personal studies and even correspondence with my 
friends, in order to reduce the chaotic mass of 2260 typed (often badly) 
folios to 740 pages in print. The Press copy of vol X had been so 
carelessly prepared that many words, — sometimes whole lines, of the 
original had been left out, the copyist’s errors of transcription had not been 



corrected nor even marked with a query sign to draw my attention,— and 
these defects were discovered only when the proof sheets came to me. 
With infinite labour I had to correct them. Every line of these 740 
printed pages had to pass twice under my eyes. And I had to pay 
personal visits to the 2 presses frequently at my own expense for 

* * * 

My own literary work has greatly suffered ; in fact I have not 
written a line during the last three months. — though I am being pressed 
by my agents to prepare revised editions of my Aurangzib vol V. Fall 
vol III, and Mughal Administration, which have been out of print for 
some years past. 

* * * 

All my diaries since my College days (1889 onwards) have been 
preserved, except the one for 1926 which was lost in changing houses ; and 
I can readily prepare a dated sketch of our joint historical tours in 
Maharashtra and work among the Poona records 

Talegaon-Dabhada P. O., (Poona) 
21st June 195L 

I am now at work on the Bombay Gazetteer 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
26th Oct. 195L 

The Rani of Jhansi’s father was named Moro Balwant (Temb6 ?) 

[Place not given] 
3rd July 1952. 

Poona Residency Core Vol XIII Editor’s preface will be written by 

Calcutta 29, 
Oct. 22, 1952. 

I have at last completed the revision of my Shivaji for the 5th 
edition, and 64 pages of it have already l>een composed. Your suggestion 
has been carried out, and some ten or twelve pages added, giving full 
details about Shivaji's ships, naval bases and tactics at sea. The newly 
discovered 13 cantos of Paramanand (Baroda) have been utilised in order 
to give a human story of Shivaji’s domestic difficulties and Shambhuji’s 
conduct. A surprising addition is a great Muslim historian's statement 



that Afzal Khan “whose head was filled with the intoxication of showing 
himself a Bahadur” — i.e., hero, first gripped Shivaji’s neck with his left 
arm very tightly and stabbed him with dagger. New Portuguese material 
supplied by Pissurlencar has also been incorporated....... 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
15 Nov. 1952. 

I have declined the honorary membership of the B. Hist. Society, as 
it is neither a real benefit to them nor an honour to me to allow my 
name to be borne on the rolls of such a mushroom society. For the same 
reason I now decline the Hony. Doctorship which is being showered by 
the Indian Universities. 

10. Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
10th Sept. 1953. 

The Hindust[h]an Standard requests you to send them an interesting 
article on Maratha history, biography & descriptive travel— or the 
romance of hunting for manuscript historical records. You may even 
turn into English (with suitable modifications and additions) any of your 

Marathi articles in and send it to me within 10 days. I shall 

revise it and send it to the paper. I trust you will not disappoint them. 
The length need not exceed 1500 words or five foolscap folio pages. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
31st Oct. 1953. 

Received your draft report on the Gulgule daftar and the post card 
about it 

It is a great feat to have plodded your way through such a vast mass 
of documents often without dates and obscure in many places, and 
supplied guiding light to future workers on all of them that have the 
least historical significance. , , * 

The sense of satisfaction that you feel on a great task accomplished, 
is shared by your friend. 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29. 
18th Nov. 1953. 

I have received your sketch of the analytical contents (subject by 



subject) of the Gulgule Daftar. It is a feat of minute and accutate 
scholarship that you have done at this age, and I am glad that it has been 
done, for I know none else who could have done it. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

8th January 1954. 

One more year has passed away and we are both alive and still in 
harness, though I am feeling the touch of age, in the form of a perceptible 
weakness and desire to take rest, instead of rushing about as in the old 
days of our touring 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
6th Dec. 1954. 

My latest prodding of Dr. B.A. Saletore has resulted in his moving the 
Foreign department to write officially to the Govt, of Gwalior for a loan 
of the last 5 (or 8) bundles of the Menavli daftar which Amrit D. Parasnis 
sold to Maharajah Sindhia 2 or 3 years ago. Since then every body is 
sleeping. Pissurlencar is expected to return to Goa about the middle of 
this month. He has discovered and transcribed a vast mass of materials 
(mostly in Portuguese, several in Persian and a few in Marathi) among the 
archives of Lisbon. They chiefly relate to Vijaynagar and the two 
Deccani Sultanates. Those that deal with Shivaji and the exiled Prince 
Akbar will be sent to me as soon as he can manage. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

15 Dec 1954. 

Personally I keep good health in the cold weather, though my 
writing work has necessarily stopped. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29 

11 th Jany 1955 

I am quite well though without my wonted vigour. At present I am 
busy completing my Military History of India. Bhau has informed me 
that Pissurlencar is expected back at home near the end of this month 
and that I can hope to get the new historical records brought by him from 


Lisbon, probably through Priyolekar, the Maratha author. The foolish 
Goa authorities may stop them if sent by post 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
1st February 1955. 

The new year has come but brought nothing to cheer either of 
of us. We start the 50th year of our friendship without hope of the 
future. You are lonely and sick of a life of unrelieved malady and idleness 
in intellectual activity. I am no better 

* * * 

For myself I am feeling the touch of age for the first time 

I write to you to relieve my surcharged heart, as personal talk 
between us is impossible. You need not stand on ceremony and reply to 
this letter by straining your eyes. My consolation is that it will create a 
pleasant diversion in your solitude. 

Chevalier Panduranga S.S. Pissurlencar went to Portugal in June 1954 
and also attended the Oriental Congress at Cambridge in October. He 
was due to leave Lisbon for India about the middle of December last and 
send me many copies of Portuguese records and photos of Persian letters 
relating to 17th century Maharashtra, which he has collected in Portugal. 
But for four months I have not heard from him. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
3rd Feb. 1955. 

Saletore has written that when Maharaja Sindhia visits Delhi at the 
end of this month, he will discuss the remnant of the Menavali daftar with 
the foreign dept. But be sure, he will again give us the slip. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
1st March 1955. 

I have received some new transcripts of Portuguese materials from 

Pissurlencar, but they do not amount to much My History of Indian 

Wars will recommence publication in the Sunday Hindusthan Standard 
from 6th March (Battle of Talikota.) 



10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

I am beating the depressing heat of Calcutta by avoiding all kinds of 
work, mental and physical. Sri Vrindavan Varma (or some such person) 
of Jhansi has discovered Ahalya Bai's daily account book, giving details 
(and prices) of her daily food and enormous gifts in charity. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
10th Sep. 1955. 

Last Thursday (8th) night Satyen’s sufferings came to an end, and I 
now stand entirely son-less like you ; only you are free from any anxieties 
about orphan young grandsons coming from my sons and daughters. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
28th Sep. 1955. 

Here Lady Sarkar has recovered from the first shock of Satyen’s 
death, but she feels dreadfully lonely as she cannot leave her bed. I am 
fairly well, though doing hardly any work. 

How are you passing your time now a days ? There is no congenial 
literary work for you, and idle reading is painful to your eyes. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

1 Oct 1955. 

V. K. Bhave of Poona, has presented me with a free copy of his new 
Maratha book Yuga-Pravartak Shri Shivaji Maharaj. It is a cheap 
popular pot-boiler, quite innocent of research. I have refused to express 
my opinion on it, on the ground that I being a "foreigner” am regarded by 
this author’s party (and his patron Ane) as incapable of understanding ' 
true genius of Shivaji and have insulted Shivaji by not invariably atte ic bing 
some laudatory adjective to bis name (See p. 8 of Ane’s SR9TOP[) J. ' 

10 Lake Td rrace , 
Calcutta 2^* 

27 Oct. I# 55 - 

I wonder if I shall be able to travel outside Calcutta any more, an< ^ 
meet you again. 



In view of her age and the long succession of calamities in our family, 
the future has no charm for either of us. 

10, Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
7th Dec. 1955. 

I am facing my 86th birthday without joy and without that serene 
look at the future which is the highest reward of a well-spent life. I do 
not share your happy lot in standing on the brink of Eternity, as an 
absolutely detached creature, free from every earthly entanglement and 
ready to drop into the eternal slumber at a moment’s notice. 

lD Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

New Year’s Day, 1956. 

On the threshold of the New Year my thoughts naturally turn to you 
in your lonely ashram, still fighting heroically against weakness, failing 
powers and enforced idleness. 

* * • 

I shall explore the possibility of moving the Jaipur Maharaja through 
him to allow the publication of the Jai Singh letters but he can hold forth 
no hope about the - Parasnis rumals now at Gwalior. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

So, Mavlankar is gone. He should have retired four years ago, when 
we met him, convalescing, during his trip to Talegaon. He disregarded the 
warning of Nature, though improved by his rest in an English village, 
which proved what he really needed. This comes of ploughing the barren 
sands of Indian politics. 

10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 
9th Apr 1956 

I too share your disgust at having to pass my old age in indolence, 
unable to work, while the brain is still fit. 


10 Lake Terrace, 
Calcutta 29, 

This is the second successive year when I shall miss your birthday 
gathering. Heaven knows if we shall meet ever again. 


O. S. Sardesai's Letters to Jadunath Sarkar 

Feb. 3. 1914 

Reading your article “A Mughal Prince at the Maratha Court,” in the 
Modern Review, I think, your emendation of Shakarbheth into Shankarpeth 
is not correct. It must be Shakarpen ( anatq ), a fairly large village, at 
the foot of the Sahyadris, about 8 miles north of Vishalgad, some 23 miles 
■west of Malkapur 1 & nearly as much south of Sangameshvar where 
‘Sambhaji was captured. My own native place is some 8 miles west of 
Vishalgad — our title or surname, Sardesai, is still combined with the 
.word Khelna where the Brahman kings had conferred some landed rights 
upon our ancestors. A beautiful trunk road runs from Kolhapur and 
Malkapur through Shakarpen to Ratnagiri on the west coast. The whole 
scene containing my native place, is very familiar to me. 

Motibag Road, 

17th August 1922. 

I had been to Thana and Poona last week, lecturing at both places on 
Panipat and the value of historical records. My trip enabled me to dis- 
cuss various points and learn the latest researches. I find much new 
material is coming out and there are hopes we shall soon have plenty of 
authentic original records on the Maratha period ; we shall soon have to 
rewrite the period of Shahji and Shiwaji. Man* more or less 

after the have been discovered and they seem all apparently to 

have one common source, each family adding a few more details of their 
own, e.g. the family have apparently added details glorifying to the 
Jadhes; all such details, therefore, must be accepted with caution. Then 
three Sanskrit poems of a high order have been discovered, in which 
accounts of Shahji and Shiwaji have been given, containing several 
more details than we at present know. Two of the poems are by 
and the other by The former lived with Shahaji, Vyankoji 

1. Tbe town of Malkapnr Is 25 miles north-west of Kolhapur and 13 miles east of 
K hel n a (also caUed Visbalgarh) in tbe Bombay State. It was tbe capital of the old Vishalgarh 
State. [Imfetiaf Ga*tn«tr of Mia, XXII, ; Sarfcw, House of Shiva ji, 191.) 



and Shiwaji and the latter, with Shiwaji only. ’s work is called 

ftPWTO, contains 2400 verses and is apparently closely imitated by the 
Tanjore %9TTvte. Jayaram wrote (history of Panhala) and 

ftcrw^^the latter half of which is devoted to Shiwaji’s exploits. Before 
Shiwaji undertook his last Karnatic expedition, his brother Vyankoji had 
once come into the Deccan and fought with Shiwaji. Jayaram says he has 
written several similar 3TT^TI«Ts, like the The three mentioned 

above are at present in press and will come out in a few months. Mr. 
Rajavade is editing one, in which he gives a full account of Shahaji, who 
maintained many Sanskrit Pandits in his court. All these, I am sure, 

will make a valuable addition to our knowledge of the Shiwaji period 

Your statement in the second edition of some documents being for- 
geries has severely pained all Maharashtra 

[Place not given] 

The original home of the Ghorpades was & is Mudhol; Kapsi 1 2 became 
the seat of one branch after the Kolhapur Raj was established about 1 12 
by Tarabai.* Ram Chandra Amatya was the first important person to 
organize Rajaram's affairs after Sambhaji’s fall. 

Powell Building Girgaum 
2.2.1927. Bombay 

Rajavade passed away on 31st last at Dhulia. The historical scholar- 
ship of Miharastra is distinctly poorer by his death. The year has been 
an abnormal one even for history. Khare, Parasnis, Bhave, Rajwade all 
having passed away in a short time 

1 . Kap«i was the feat of one of the thirteen estates of the old Kolhapur Raj. ( Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, VIII, 284.) 

2. Tarabai was the queen of Chhatrapati Rajaram. .After her husband’s death in 1700, 
she crowned her son as Shivaji II. She was imprisoned by Raja bai, another queen of 
Rajaratn, in 1714 and was clo-ely watched for the rest of her life. Shewasawi : e and intelli- 
gent lady and aimed at becoming the supreme guide of the State. She died in December 1761. 
(Sardesai, New History of the Muruttws, I, 330, 342, 359, 361 ; IIi 14, 23, 117. 270, 287, 289, 

sardesai-sarkar correspondence 


Powell Building 

Maharastra, particularly the vociferous section of it, is furious 
against you, as you would have seen from the cuttings I sent you yesterday. 
I enclose another cutting today, which I attribute to the same source as 
Kesri. They are furious against me also, for either siding with you in 
my views or at any rate not trying to check your pen. I don’t know why 
these people cannot credit us with ordinary honesty. Why they cannot 
allow us to hold our own views. I am sure you & l differ in very many 
points, but that is no reason why we should quarrel & imitate the Poona 
tastes. But obviously they cannot bear our being friends. All history 
means interpretation & view & I firmly believe history is useful on this 

The Poona section entirely forgets how much the history of Shivaji 
owes to your labours. Had the Persian & foreign sources not been 
brought to light by you, we would have no true account of him even now. 
You have made Shivaji a human figure in the world. All the episodes 
from Afzal Khan onwards are entirely your creation whatever the 
Maharastra might say. But I must stop. Beni Prasad’s Jahangir has 
given me ample details of the early careers of Shahji and Shah Jahan : 
but they stop abruptly at Jahangir’s death Oct. 1627. I am in corres- 
pondence with Beni Prasad for a further period of 10 years. The 

excellent research scholars of the who are blessed with the power of 

making fresh discoveries everyday, have made an entire mess of the 
whole period, 1610-1650, in their zeal to prove the Jedhe date of Shivaji’s 

* * * 

I have to make a personal suggestion. When you print your new 
edition of Shivaji, please do change Shiva into Shivaji. The former is 
an insulting appellation. 

Powell Building Girgaum 
14. 4. 1927 

This Shivaji vol. is nearly killing me. I do not know how it can 
come out in time. We are doing our best. Eagerly await your paper 

* * * 

I seem to have wasted in a wav three months of my life : but tfie 
study of Shivaji’s times has now made me quite at home on the subject 
with copious indexes & notes — persons, places & all ; & once I am out 



of the present work. I can rewrite Shivaji without the least help of the... 
people. It is the extreme hostile attitude of these. ..people which has 
retarded the progress of history in the University & with Govt, 
they are extremely jealous of other workers & would rather damage 
all other work in the hope of pushing on their own hobbies. But they are 
now thoroughly exposed. All sober minded and impartial readers have 
immensely liked your review of Rajwade’s work, as the most compli- 
mentary & impartial. Only yesterday Jaykar told me he appreciated 
your article very much 



I am getting more and more convinced that the 1630 date of 
Shivaji’s birth must have been purposely fabricated. 

* * * 

Grant Duff has written a detailed note of a few old papers which 
he had obtained at Bijapur — & which he often quotes as Bijapur MSS. 
The note appears in his first Vol. in his account of Shahaji. Kindly read 
it & let me know if you think we can now trace these papers at Bijapur. 
I suspect Parasnis got hold of them & supplied them to Kincaid & 
must have deposited them in his Museum. They are valuable papers & 
if recovered would enable us to reconstruct Shivaji’s early career & 
with this view it would be worth the trouble if we went to Bijapur and 
look for them. Please tell me what you think of the matter. I can 
arrange a flying visit to Bijapur. 

Powell Building Girgaum 

claims the firmans to be his private property and will not 

show them to you. 

* * * 

Bhave’s son saw me & is sending the Ali Bahadar papers to the 
press. The Kota Daftar of Gulgules stands over until Wakoskar finds 
time. He wants me to go there. 

Chandrachud Daftar too stands still. All progress is hopeless so 

long as is the boss of the You realized this long ago. I had 

ray hopes for long : but now I see I have been fully undeceived. 




Powell Building 
Bombay 4. 


Your strongly worded letter at once awakened the Bombay officials 
to the need of the Peshwa Daftar being inspected. The Finance member 
Mr. C. V. Mehta wrote to me to go & meet him at Poona on 5th which 
I did & returned last night. He called together the Edn. Minister, 
Mr. Hatch the Commissioner C D., the Director of Edn. and the Financial 
Secretary and discussed with me the whole question ; none of them had 
any idea about it, except Mr. Hatch who strongly supported your appeal. 
We had an open face to face and very interesting discussion, which I 
will report to you when we meet. Mr. Mehta said, they were absolutely 
bankrupt and suggested only a three months’ trial. He left me with an 
assurance of doing what he could in the matter. I expect something 
will be decided almost at once. Whatever the outcome may be, we 
shall have done our duty. Unremitted knocks like this are essential in 
these days of talk & appeal. I will write to you the result when it 
comes out. 

Powell Building, 

clT. 21.7.?e.R®. 

Mr. Deshpande has firmans just similar to those discovered by 
Potdar, the blank sides being used for religious books. If the work offers 
fruitful results, we will go there again in Oct. if not we will have done 
with it. I wonder what the Gul-Daste-Inizam is & what sort of Imad- 
shahi papers are there. Any way you have to pass through that region — 
you can’t avoid it : why not then make use of it. I am not very keen : I 
have plenty of work of my own : but the field in Berar is quite new : they 
need outside guidance badly & our presence will put fresh spirit in 
them. Tl\ere are some good workers there. I am inclined to leave Poona 
alone for the present. But possibly the Peshvas Daftar question will 
have been decided by then 

Powell Building Bombay no 4 
29. 12. 1927 

The whole Daftar from 1737-1823 is intact, & explains the whole 
Maratha policy in the north & with the Rajputs in particular so clearly 
that when printed, this Kotah find will be a great rival to the Patwardhan 
Daftar printed by Khare. The whole family of the Scindhias is represented 


& the news letters fiom Mahadji’s camp practically from 1763 to his death 
are indeed very valuable : the last three years of Mahadji’s stay at 
Poona, with his rivalry agst. Nana Fadnis are most graphically described 
in almost daily letters, detailing the happenings. Even if rigidly sorted, 
3000 letters will have to be printed 

16. 3. 1928 

Your review of Shivaji’s life delivered at Madras is an excellent 
pronouncement which must disarm all reckless critics.. ..Such a public 
utterance from you was highly needed & has not come a moment too soon. 

During Mahadji’s administration of the Empejor’s affairs, so many 
names of Imperial Princes occur in Marathi papers that I am puzzled in 
identifying them. One Prince had come & taken residence in Poona, & 
another at Hyderabad : a third at Benares. Can you point out to me or 
send me a full list of the Imperial Mogul Family from 1761 to 1857. 
What I need is a complete genealogical table fr [from] 1761 onward. 

Khadkala 21/3/28 

Kamshet, Dist Poona. 

11. 8. 1928 

I have rd. yr. letters. So very glad to learn that you have freed 
yourself fr. a task which was sapping all your body & mind. Now you 
can wholeheartedly devote all your life in literary studies wh will be the 
only permanent & useful contribution to the Indian nation. I only 
earnestly pray that you soon recover all your former health & vigour.... 
I have finished Mahadji Scindhia upto 1792 when he visited Poona. The 
work will soon go to the press & will I expect be out in 3 or 4 months. 
I have just finished printing a fresh edition of my Mussalmani Riyasat, 
which I have brought uptodate in all essentials, from the fresh research 
wh. came out during the last few years. And in this connection 1 cannot 
thank you sufficiently for the dates of the Jalus of all the emperors, 
which you supplied me at such a great trouble. I have also secured the 
23 pictures of the Mogul line from Tamorlane 1 to Bahadur Shah* the 

1. Timur, the redoubtable Oriental conqueror, was born at Kesh, in Tran oxiana in 1336 
and was the son of Teragai, the head of the Barlas tribe. He became the King of Samarqand 
about 1369. He died at Atrar (Otrar) on 17 February 1405. ( Encyclopaedia Britanniea , Vol. 

25*26, pp . 994*5.) 

2* Bahadur Shah II was the son of the Emperor Akbar II and succeeded to the throne in 
1637. He was tried and deported to Rangoon for participating in the Great Rebellion of 1857. 


last ; for I strongly feel there is hardly any family with this Moghul line 
in point of achievement & greatness. I have carefully given in this 
edition the wives and children of all the emperors with dates and details. 
The University students have a great demand for my book. Anyway, 
I am managing to earn about 100 Rs a month & I have not yet elected 
to draw the little pension wh. the Gaekwar has allowed me. 

* * * 

If you come in Oct. or Nov. we shall settle all the points of 
Shivaji and then go to Nagpur together in December. Anyway, you 
must give this place an early trial, so as to make the best use of the life, 
before both you & me, [?] & to produce the highest results. 

Kamshet Dist Poona 
3. 11. 28 

I suppose you have carefully followed the 5th chapter of msjhf 
in which the battle of Umrani 1 2 3 4 has been described in 
detail. The tussle between Shivaji & Bijapur & between Prataprao 
and Buhlol* went on for a long time. The latter was allowed to escape 
with life by Prataprao from the field of Umrani, two days march to the 
west of Tikote* 5.34 & 39 of q^cWo^T). Muj[z]atar Khan 

& Sarja Khan were ordered to render help to Buhlol (5.40) 
from the region Rangna. Similarly Sidi Masud* of Adoni 5 and 

1. Umrani is 36 miles west of Bijapur in Bombay State. (Sarkar, Shivaji, 196.) 

2. Bahlol Khan (original name Abdul Karim Miana) was the son of Abdur Rahim Miana. 
He became the head of the family after his father’s death in July 1665. He deposed Khawas 
Khan, the wazir of Bijapur* in November 1675 and installed himself in the premiership. He 
ruled the state till his death on 23 December 1677. He was “one of the potentest men in the 
kingdom of Bijapur.** (Quoted by Sarkar, Shivaji , 232.) 

(Sarkar, House of Shiva ji, 56, 61 , Shivaji, 194-7,224, 232, 239, 242, 280, 281, 310 ; 
Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 182, z02-3, 219, 247 , 249.) 

3. Tikote is situated 12 miles west of Bijapur. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India , XIII, 295.) 

4. Siddi Masud was the son-in-law of Siddi Jauhar. He became the wazir of Bijapur in 
February 1678. “Masaud was a masterly defender of forts, but cherished low people and 
suspected his friends and even his wives and sons. He knew not how to cherish the soldiers 
and the cultivators. 1 * (Quoted by Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 67 ) He resigned the premier- 
ship on 21 November 1683. (Sarkar, Shivaji , 310, 314, 315, 324 , House of Shivaji, 56, 66-7 ; 
Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , 1, 249.) 

5. Adoni is a town in Beilary District, 66 miles from Bellary and 307 miles from 
Mfcdrts. The fort of thi3 place stood on five rocky granite hills, and a lonely fig tree standing 
on top of one of these peaks could be seen towards the close of the nineteenth century from a 
distance of about 30 miles in every direction* (Imperial Gazetteer of India, I, 25-7.) 

2&2 j Abu Math sarkar commemoration Volume 

Abdul Aziz 1 2 3 of Karnool were also similarly [?] ordered to join Buhlol. 
But before he could be joined by these forces, he was attacked at Umrani 
by Prataprao and allowed to escape. Thereupon Buhlol [paper torn] 
turned to the southwest for joining with Mujafar Khan & Sarja Khan 
from Rangna & was suddenly attacked by Prataprao in the narrow pass 
of Nesari, which is directly east of Rangna above the Ghats. It is also 
on the north bank of the Ghata-prabha* river near its source in the hills. 
I feel perfectly sure there is no other Nesari — & the one to the north of 
Belgaum quite fits in for the operations, although the breaks 

off after Umrani. I send you a little map of the region between Panhala 
& Bijapur with Nesari & Rangna shown in. The accounts of Sabhasad 
& Chitnis & the Jedhe also fit in with this. I think the Niviti of Jedhe 
is a misreading for Nesari in Modi 



Your interpretation of $13^3 IfiR, 51R HT3lh& ^IcjTT is quite 
correct. Shivaji at the time was 12 years old. This expression “12 years 
age” has been common to all writers including Shiva Bharat & has given 
rise to acrimony in the birthdate controversy. I am not yet prepared to 
give up the 1627 date & am strongly of opinion that the later date is 
purposely concocted with all astronomical details, not usually given. If 
you & I were to visit Tanjore once, we may be able to settle so many 
points. We must find the correct birth date of Vyankoji first. As I un- 
derstand, Shivaji spent his first year at Shivneri,® & the next 4 or 5 years at 
Khed-Shivapur. This place was renamed after Shivaji probably by Dadaji 
Kondadev. It used to be called qi? before & now it is called faRTJl-te 
means a market place for the surrounding villages. The Konde ($%) 
of had a Maratha Diwan named Navadkar, who was the helpmate of 

1. Abdul Aziz was the son of Siddi Jauhar, who was a slave of Malik Abdul Wahab and 
had made himself master of Karnul after Wahab's death. He was created Salabat Jang by 
Ali Adil Shah II. His sister was married to Siddi Masud. (Sarkar, House of Shivaji, 66-67.) 

2. The Ghataprabha is a tributary of the river Krishna and has its source in the Western 
Ghats. (Sarkar, Shivaji, 196.) 

3. Shivner is a town and a hill fort 50 miles north of Poona and a mile west of Junnar in 
Bombay. It is famous for having been the birth place of the celebrated Maratha leader 
Shivaji* It is also known for its springs, its strong fortification with five gates in it. (Sarkar, 
Shivdji, 192 ; Short History of Aurangtib, 215 ; History of Aurangzib, IV, 234; Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, XII, 410.) 



Dadaji & who helped* Dadaji in settling Shivapur. 1 2 3 Duff mentions on the 
authority of some Bijapur mss. that Shivaji was kept in hiding for some 
time by his mother for fear of being captured by Mhaldar Khan* of 
Trimbak, acting under instructions of Mahabat Khan.* Shivner was too 
near Trimbak & the Mogul forces & so Jijabai with the help of Dadaji 
removed him to an out of the way place Khede-Bare, which later 
was renamed Shivapur. A garden of mangoes was planted & 
called Shahbag. A little to the west was Narhe ( «T? ) which was 
renamed Sambhapur, later after Sambhaji & Rajaram later settled a 
near there. So this region was a favourite abode of Shivaji. 
At the age of 5 or 6 Shivaji was removed to Poona, which was re-built, after 
having been destroyed by Morar-Jigdev. 4 5 fighting against Nizam Shah. 
Dadaji built the Lai Mahal Palace at Poona in the Kasba. Rajwade 17.7 men- 
tions Dadaji in 1639 as of Kondana* (Sinhgad) under Bijapur. So it 

seems Dadaji secretly helped Shivaji, although he was an official under 
Bijapur. Nos. 17.8, 16. 18 & 15. 266 are helpful as : [regards] Dadaji’s part 
in the work. There is no doubt that Shivaji lived at Poona, before he went 
on a visit to his father at Bangalore. In the passage of Saubhasad, 
PIWN* =with him, i.e. with Dadaji : fasti fastT and such 

people that is, with some followers. 

The Poona workers have during the last few years made a terrible 
confusion, in their enthusiasm to prove the correctness of 1630 date. 

1. Shivapur is at the foot of Kondhana and was named after the young master Shivaji. 
(Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 92.) 

2. Mahaldar Khan was the Mughal guardian of fort Trimbak. (Sardesai, New History 
of the Marathas . I, 61.) 

3. Mahabat Khan was the renowned general of Shah Jahan. He captured the fort of 
Daulatabad in June 1633 but soon afterwards went out of favour with the Emperor who severely 
reprimanded him for his failure to subjugate the Deccan completely. He took it to heart and 
committed suicide on 26 October 1634 (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 60, 61.) 

4. Murari Jagdev, a Brahman by caste, was the private secretary of Khwas Khan who 
had usurped supreme power after imprisoning Mustafa Khan, the Bijapuri Wazir, in 1633. He 
was high in Khwas Khan’s confidence and rose to the very high position of Commander-in-Chief 
under him Afterwards, both of them fell out of favour with the king of Bijapur who got 
Khwas Khan murdered in 1635, and Jagdev was tortured to death one month after his patron's 
fall. (Sarkar, House of Shivaji , 52-54, 57 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 60, 
♦70, 92, 130.) 

5. Kondana or Kondhana or Singhgarh was situated about 12 miles south-west of Poona, 
in the Haveli sub-division of the Poona District of Bombay. The fort there was renamed as 
Sioghgarh by Shivaji in 1647. It has played a great part in the South Indian History. 
Aur&ngzeb captured it in 1703 and changed its name to Bakhshindabakhsh or God's Gift* In 
1706 the Marathas again captured it and renamed it Singhgarh, (Imperial Gazetteer of India, 
XII, 543,) 



Mr. Apte alone has written & printed over 800 pages on this subject ue. 
the introductions of Shiva-bharat, Shiva Charitra Pradeep, Shiva-Charitra' 
Sahitya &c. not to mention the newspaper controversies, which are still 
raging. After reading all this enormous literature one gets completely 
bewildered about the real state of things. I hope you will be able 
to clear the path for us all once for all. The first noteworthy act 
of Shivaji was the capture of Murumdev, in Shak 1562 ; he renamed it 
TT5OT3?. The capture of Torna 1 was not his first exploit. U3WT¥ is near 
where the first activity of Shivaji took place. 

The village Rairi is at the foot of the hill where the temple 

is situated. This is different from the Rairi of IFMW near 

Mahad. has an extensive pkteau which grows plentiful wheat. I 

get some very useful glimpses of this nature from 6. *T. 


25. 11. 1928 

I have been trying to verify your Shivaji Chronology : but I am 
afraid I can't do any better than you have done. I suppose you have 
made full use of Mr. Bhave’s chronology printed in his Rumal 3. 

I am so glad to learn your Shivaji is in the press. I am sure with the 
labour you have put upon it, it will form an excellent authority on all 
controversial points, until, at any rate, fresh materials come out. Please 
do fully discuss all outstanding questions, even at the sacrifice of brevity. 
India will accept your opinion as authority, whatever the parochial 
Pandits of Poona might think. They have been hard at work to bring 
out an English life of Shivaji for their ter-centenary celebrations in Feb- 
ruary 16[9]30 ; but they have no worker, no writer & no funds. Mr. Kelkar 
was here to discuss the point with me & has since sent an appeal round 
for Rs 10000 to be collected for printing 5 vols on Shivaji. 3 of materials 
and 2 of lives. Mar and Eng. He asked me to sign the appeal : it is 
worded in a non-controversial spirit, distinctly mentions that both sides 
are equally strong as re the birth date of Shivaji & that this & the other 
questions need not hamper a united effort to bring out fresh vols of 
materials & a reliable life in Marathi & English. Mr. Kelkar meant 
to send the appeal to you for your signature. I do not know if he has 
done so. There is no harm if you sign it. I am sure nothing will come 

1. Torna is 8 miles from Rajgarh.The Emperor Aurangzeb laid siege to the fort la 1704 
and the -place was renamed as Fatuh-ul-Gbaib or Victory from the Invisible, by the Emperor. 
(SarVar. History of Aurangzib, V. 191-92.) 



out of it : for authorship cannot be secured for money. No scholar in 
Poona who can write decent English, has studied Shivaji : so at the most 
some one will translate the Marathi version into English : this means 
there will be no genuine spirit in the work. And your book appearing 
something like a year in advance before their celebrations, will have 
taken the wind out of their bags. Iam sorry with my present occupation, 
I cannot be of much help to you. I find no reliable source for Shivaji’s 
dealings with Janjira. The Sthala-Suchi is no good. I will bring for 
you my copy when I come to Nagpur. Mr. Wakoskar was sending you a 
set of Jthias-Sangraha. Possibly it may go to Darjiling. I wonder why 

you are buying in duplicate all the vols of the Poona They are 

absolutely no good. 9/10 is either poetry or useless discussion. You can 
get a few points here and there for the Peshwa period. 

28. 4. 1929 

I have read & used Forbes vols To my knowledge I have not 

omitted any Marathi or English materials bearing on the period 1772-1800. 

1. 5. 1929 

You will be glad to hear that the Gwalior Darbar at my suggestion 
have sanctioned the next visit of the H. R. Commission to Gwalior in 
Dec. I have written to Abdul Ali 1 to arrange further details. The whole 
Kotah Daftar will be brought there. Gwalior shd. be a nucleus for all 
surrounding Rajput States to bring in their exhibits 



You will be glad to know that Govt, have sanctioned 11000 Rs for 
the Peshwa Daftar work & asked me to start the work in June under my 


National Hotel, 
Opp. Railway Station 

I have come & started the work of the Peshwa Daftar from the 10th. 
Mr. J. Ghosal is the Comner. under whose supervision I have to work. 

1. Then the Keeper of Records, Imperial Record Department (now National Archive* of 
India). New Delhi. 



I have not yet decided about the staff: but they are going to associate 
with me a Govt, official of their confidence & of my selection, who will 
assist me at present & will conduct further work under my occasional 
supervision from Kamshet. I have decided to stay here for 3 months 

certain and thereafter as circum«tances require It is very sultry here 

at present & a change from Kamshet to a harnessed life of 6-7 hours at 
a stretch seems very obnoxious. However, I am working with zest & 
devotion & trust I will be able to produce some tangible results 

Poona Alienation Office 

The Gwalior session is announced. Can we have a small programme 
of tour together either before or after the session. 

Alienation Office or Sardar Hindu Lodge 

While my work at the A.O. is progressing satisfactorily, a technical 
difficulty has arisen for some time. The original sanction provided by 
Govt, was for inspecting the Peshwas Diaries & not the whole Daftar. 
There has all along been a confusion on this point. The Peshwas 
Diaries so called form a small section of the whole Daftar, some 800 
rumals. They are diaries in no sense of the term: they are mere daily 
account sheets arranged chronologically & they have been already selected 

& extracted & printed in 9 vols Govt, want me to do the diaries & 

nothing else. They said the money was voted for the Diaries & we could not 
do anything else. Now the last 4 months work tells me there are most 
useful & most plentiful papers in the Chitnisi Rumals & the Jamar sections 
scattered throughout the ten thousand & more rumals. If so why need we 
waste our time over the Diaries which have been already done. Of 
course any & every old paper will always yield some kind of historical 
information, but we must observe some sense of proportion & bring out 
within three or 5 years . the best results possible. Already we have 
selected ten thousand & more very good papers and copied & made ready 
for printing some one thousand. I have secured 5 good assistants & workers 
& we all work very harmoniously & most diligently. But this vexed 
• question of the Diaries must be at once settled* I appealed to Govt, 
either to give me a free hand or appoint a small committee of one or two 



gentlemen knowing old papers & history, to advise me. I never found a 
more inert officer than Mr. Ghosal who never once has heard me. After 
repeated representations, Mr. Martin, the Chief Secretary to Govt, paid 
a visit & patiently saw the whole work & my procedure. He seemed to 
grasp all that I hid to say. But Ghosal did not choose to attend, tho [though] 
he was called. He is entirely indifferent. Now you know how slowly the 
Govt, wheels move & precious time is being wasted. In these circum- 
stances a visit from you would at once solve the problem. I spoke to Martin 
& Ghosal about your visit. They said they would heartily welcome your 

Now that the work is in full swing & you & I have nolens volens 
been responsible for bringing it to this stage, it wd. be such a gain if 
you paid a visit here at your earliest convenience, say in the third week 
of this month. You can work here for a week & we shall settle the lines 
& then together travel to various places & go to Gwalior in Dec. 


22. 11. 1929. 

I am handing over charge of the Peshwa Daftar work to my asst. 
& returning to Kamshet where please address further communication. 
My period of 6 months is over & I have now to put in a few days each 
month & supervise the operations. 

Kamshet Dist Poona 

27. 11. 1929 

You will have to remain in Poona for a week or so to see all our 
work & report & fix future procedure. The Comr. C. D. has already 
asked me to consult you on all outstanding questions. In fact this will 
be the main topic of discussion at Gwalior 

P. Kamshet Dist Poona 

a ia 1929 

The owner of the Kotah papers Mr. Pandit requests you & me to 
visit him at Kotah for a day or so. It is also necessary that we visit 
Indore once again. I think the best thing we now can do to promote 
history is to take stock of things & urge on to work the various persons at 
present engaged in the pursuit at different places I am also keen on 
visiting Dhulia where all the papers collected by Rajawade are stored* 



We must once see what they ate. You are wanted at the Alienation 
Office a few days at least if not a whole week 

Alienation Office 
12. 2. 1930. 

I send you my note on Panipat. We have some 120 letters — most of 
which give some important fresh details. I wish to make these notes as 
short as possible, from the point of view of students, just to guide them in 
their study. But the outside officials who read these notes only, & who 
have no previous knowledge of the subject, need a more lengthy 
explanation. We have to strike the mean between these two extremes. 
This Section of Panipat is going to the press at once ; so kindly send the 
draft revised at your earliest convenience. 

Poona Alienation Office 
14. 3. 1930 

We are getting excellent papers & have made ready some 1500 
papers with foot-notes, dates & prefaces. The darkest period is Shahu’s 
& we have got clear & chronological accounts of Bajirao’s campaigns & 
Shahu’s deliberations : our papers, I am sure, when published, will make 
far better contribution to history than Rajwade & Parasnis’ vols have 
done. We are all working headlong & most of the campaigns, dates & 
movements have been clearly ascertained in mutual discussion, so that 
this body of workers is now well versed in this subject 

Alienation Office, Poona 
10. 4. 1930. 

We are now finding most valuable papers on Bajirao’s campaigns 
& we are now able to put down definitely the sequence of events & 
movements & activities of the various Sardars all of whom have 
dispatched letters which we find on the Chitnisi Rumals. About 150 
rumdls of this Chitnisi section are all account papers, not much worth for 
our purposes. In the other sections also we now & then find valuable 
bits of information to correct present day accepted ideas 

1.5. 1930 

I have in all my life tried to be frank, humble ft helpful to all whom 
1 Catttp in contact with, without caring to discriminate between good ft 

§Aftf>E§ At-S ARKAR CORRESP6 n&EN<5E 289 

bad men. I have always been of opinion that we cannot avoid evil-doers 
in this world : you are forced to deal with them. So I leave them to 
their fate. They may or may not reap the consequences of their evil 
actions. That is not my look-out. I shall be content if I do my duty 
properly by all 

* * * 

Till now I proceeded on the idea, in writing my Riyasats, that I 
was to point out the good or the bright side of the picture : as the western 
writers had sufficiently described the dark side. But this view is no 
longer tenable. However I will now allow documents to speak 
rather than I impose my own view upon readers. Rajawade & Parasnis 
got together mostly the private papers, wh. had only a small fraction of the 
Central Govt.’s dealings : but the character of the Peshwa Daftar is 
entirely different — there is hardly anything private in them. 

I have also to advise & run the Satara Museum work. Next week 
I go there for advising on the procedure & arrangement which is to be 
adopted in that institution 



I spent two days looking over all the contents of the Satara Museum 
with the new Curator. There is no pre-Panipat paper there at all. 
There are three rumals of Mahadji’s papers— wh we saw & which I am soon 
going to arrange editing. The Governor is going to open the museum in 
July for which they are preparing. But I am after Mahadji papers & no 
money is just now needed. 

* e * 

I have not rd. back the letter I posted you about Dadaji 
Kondadev’s mention. I have discovered another important letter wh. 
mentions Sawai Jai Singh having deputed one Deep Singh 1 as his 
ambassador to Shahu & the Nizam. This Deep Singh's interviews at Satara 
& Aurangabad are minutely reported — beautiful pen pictures of Shahu, 
Bajirao & others. I shall soon post you a verbatim translation. 

1. In 1730 a mission under Deep Singh was sent by Swai Jai Singh and Muhammad Shah, 
the Mughal Emperor, to visit Shahu, the Peshwa, and Ni*am-ul-mulk. The main object of the 
mission was to gauge the political atmosphere in the Deccan and to find out the real intentions 
of the Marathas. "So far as any direct results are concerned Deep Singh’s mission proved a 
failure. It only presents a graphic picture of the political situation of the times and ^explains 
the turn of future events." (Sardesai, Hsw History of ths Marathas, 11, H 1-1 16.) 


About 500 letters are discovered concerning Tarabai & Ramraja 1 all 
very important. 

[ Place not given ] 
30. 6. 1930 

I have taken July off entirely for my work on Bajirao II & am not 
attending at Poona. 

* * * 

We shall now dip headlong into the Jamar section of 8000 rumals 
— new edition will be issued shortly with your 


15. 7. 1930 

I quite realise how very necessary it is to read the English literature 
on the period of Bajirao II. This literature begins to help me since 1802 : 
up to that point Marathi materials— particularly Khare’s vols are full. 
It will take me a few months yet to reach the year 1802. But I can’t 
certainly wait till I am free to visit Darjiling, however much I wd. like 

to do it If you can mention to me the names of one or two most 

essential books for the period 1802-1818, 1 will try to procure 



I wish you were by me at once to complete the plan & the details — we 
must strike when the iron is hot. Drafting, discussing, talking, explaining, 
interviewing entail too much strain on my body & mind already very poorly 
& I do not know who else can share this strain with me except yourself. 
We shall push through jointly the whole subject so quickly that I am sure 
we shall have done a life’s duty. I have no one here to consult or advise. 
Please let me know if you can come. I write this hurriedly at the Ry 
station, waiting to catch the night train. 

1. Ramraja, Sbabu's son by adoption, was elevated to the Maratha throne after Sbahn’s 
death on the assurance given by Tarabai, the queen of Rajaram, that he was her grandson. 
But after sometime the old lady declared him an impostor and no grandson of her and put him 
in confinement. He obtained his release after her death in December 1761 and was formally 
crowned by Madbav Rao I on 23 March 1763. He was incapable of handling men and matters 
and died on 13 September 1777. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, II, 270-7, 287, 288, 
293-98 ;'in, 76 ; Main Currents of Maratha History, 128, 129-30, 131.) 



6. 10. 30 

You may note that Monday 20 to Wednesday 22 Oct are Diwali 
holidays & the offices are closed. Of course you & I can attend here by 
special arrangement to make best of the time at your disposal. Let me 
know when exactly you come & how you wish to be lodged. 

13. 11. 30 

I am longing to meet you & spend some time in your company. The 
sittings of the Record Commission are announced & my name is there. So 
I suppose we shall meet at Patna & be together thereafter. I think we 
shall have to pay a visit to Mudhol. 

4 2. 31 

My work as it is steadily coming out will speak for itself. I am 
enclosing the provisional plan of my operations at the Daftar. A careful 
look at it will disclose to you how selections of a representative character 
are being arranged. It seems we have not many papers here of the time 
of Madhavrao II — that is Nana F’s regime— full records of which went to 
Menavli & escaped the raid of the Inam Commission, 1 thus ultimately falling 

into the hands of Parasnis Nearly all papers we have selected are of 

first-rate importance & when all the selections come out, the whole Maratha 
History of the Peshwa period can be put on a proper & authentic basis.... 

* * * 

P. S. 

Can you kindly inform me when I can get "the Coat of Arms” & "the 
full Royal Insignia” of the Mogul Emperors of India. I want these for 
the series of pictures & the geneo[a]logy, with the Julus Dates of each 
emperor, which I am shortly publishing in Marathi. 

P. Kamshet, Dt., Poona 
6. 3. 1931. 

I have received the copy you sent me of Mr. C. U. Wills’ letter 

X. The Inam Commission was appointed before the Mutiny to scrutinize the documents of 
the lands which had been given to the Zamindars or Vatandars as gifts free of taxes. The work 
of the Commission was extensive. It inquired into nearly 35,000 cases of Inam and within its 
ten years* work 20*000 estates or jagirs were resumed* 



taking objection to my remarks in the paper I read at Nagpur. When 
you drew my attention to this subject in January, I at once wrote to Khan 
Bahadur Abdulali, explaining my remarks & begging apology for reflec- 
tions which I had absolutely no intention of making agst. Mr. Wills. My 
reply was dated 6 Febry. last, & I thought it sufficient. You will see from 
the tecour [ tenor ] of my paper that I was advocating the necessity 
for a further & closer study in Nagpur history & instanced the important 
treaty of Kanakapur, to which English writers had done no justice. I 
however extremely regret having given unintentional offence to Mr. 
Wills & shall feel grateful if you could make him full amends on my 
behalf. I do not know where he is, otherwise I would write to him 

I must however explain how my remarks arose. I did not know 
Mr. Wills at all except through his books. The introductory notice 
attached to the publications mentions Mr. G. P. Burton as being deputed 
by the C. P. Govt for looking into the records ; & the work was continued 
by Mr. Wills. So I understood he was deputed also. I quote the 
passage on a separate sheet for reference. However I apologise for 
the error. 

As re[.] styling Wills’ work perfunctory, I had no object in casting 
reflection on him. I only wanted to show how further research was 
necessary, & how one could not rest satisfied with what was already done. 
The use of the word perfunctory. I realise, was unhappy. I did not know 
perhaps the exact signification of the term. 1 used it to mean imperfect 
or insufficient : Wills quotes Webster & puts down the meaning as 
“performed superficially”. You will thus see that I did not mean any 
offence to him personally. If criticism like this of work of previous 
scholars is not to be allowed, I think all progress would be hopeless. In fact 
I have said no more of Mr. Wills' work than he himself has roundly 
asserted in his introduction to the book in question. I enclose a few of 
Wills* lines on a separate paper for your notice. However I regret having 
used an offensive term & request you to kindly do what you think best 
by way of amends. 

As I have already written fully to K B. Abdul Ali, I do not think it 
necessary to address him again : but you can use this letter in that con- 
nection to see that the affair is amicably closed. 



16. 5. 1931 

I do not know if I informed you that I have been asked to handist 
[handlist] the Poona Residency Records which Mr. Franks was handling. 
The work consists of comparing the typed matter with the original, 
arranging it chronologically, noting the contents & handlisting every 
document, with a view ultimately to throw open the four typed copies to 
students who may care to read them. I have so far read a few files & 
made ready two of them. The provisional plan of work which I suggested 
is submitted to the Comn. [Commissioner] for approval. But I send you 
three typed programmes for three files with a request to write me your 
opinion, whether you approve the procedure I am adopting. I am 
following the plan adopted by H. C. Hill in his catalogue of the India 
Office Records. I am numbering all the documents & classifying them 
under convenient heads. This I think is very convenient for readers & 
more compact than that each document should be listed separately. If 
all the classified contents suggested by me are printed together & 
published, they will form a useful handbook or catalogue to the Residency 
Records. The word handlisting has become trite & many people are 
fond of it, without knowing what it conveys. The contents of the 
Residency files are more or less like any one of the Vols of Rajawade : all 
sorts of papers huddled together. I have prepared for my own use my 
own classification for each Vol. of Rajawade. I am following a similar 
plan for these files also. If R. B. Barve & the authorities do not accept 
my plan and insist upon noting down each paper separately (more or less 
like the contents of Martin’s 5 vols of Wellesley Dispatches) I shall 
want your considered opinion to guide me. You will observe that the 
plan in the Wellesley Dispatches will not suit here ; for Martin does not 
specify the contents of each paper. He mentions the writer, the 
addressee & the dates only. 

These Residency Records are of immense value for the declining 
phase of the Marathas & deserve being studied carefully. I am indicating 
some of the most important papers, to be selected & printed : if the chaff 
is omitted, some ten vols (of 500 pp each) will give to the public, the 
most salient contents of the 100 typed files. I am as eager to publish 
these selections as I am about the Marathi papers. In fact we have very 
few Marathi political papers in the Peshwa Daftar, between 1772-1818 : 
for Parasnis got Nana F’s Daftar in tact : & Bajirao II’s incapacity did not 
leave behind him anything useful On this account I am impatient about 
the immediate publication of these British Records. 


7. 6. 1931 

Your letter of 24th May giving your views on the Residency Records. 
The more I read them, the more do I become impatient to print selections 
of them : they are so very valuable, indeed more important than the 
Maratha Records we are printing. Franks has left charge & I prepared a 
detailed list of which I enclose you a copy for your perusal. I have already 
submitted it to the Comn. with my remarks, which I hope you will approve. 
There are heaps more of loose English bundles, which, if time permits, 
deserve being minutely looked into. A mere cursory glance which Franks 
gave them would be of no use. Franks or any scholar for the matter of that 
car.not deal with these papers properly unless he has close working 
acquaintance with names & events of Maratha History. For the murder 
of Gangadhar Shastri 1 2 is yet an unexplored episode ; the Baroda records 
prove that the murder was prompted from Baroda & had no reference to 
Bajirao or Trimbakji.* In these papers we get daily account & reports 
sent in by Elphinstone & the Governor of Bombay. In fact I feel I cannot 
publish my Bajirao II until I study all these papers. But where is the 
time 1 

Alienation Office Poona 
11. 6. 1931. 

I had a full talk with the Commissioner today. He seemed extremely 
annoyed over the present financial embarrassment of the Govt. & felt 
afraid our work wd. come to an end by the end of July ; & asked me 
roundly to be prepared for the worst & utilize what little time there is 
yet before, in closing the various operations, so as to leave nothing unatten- 
ded to. I urged it upon him, that if the object of stopping the work be 
only the difficulty of money, we may be allowed to collect funds by 

1. Gangadhar Shastri, sometime clerk in the Peshwa’s office, was the ambassador of 
Baroda Government and visited Poona in 1814 on behalf of his Government to settle money 
dispute with the Peihwa to whom the Gaikwads owed tribute amounting to crores of rupees. 
The negotiations, however, failed and the Shastri was murdered on 20 July 1815 at the # instance 
of Peshwa Baji Rao II and Trimbakji Dengle. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , Ill, 

2. Trimbakji Dengle was a Maratha Patil of Nimbgaon Jali and a personal attendant of 
Baji Rao II. He was high in the confidence of Baji Rao who always turned to him for guidance 
and support in a difficult and delicate situation. He absconded after the murder of Gangadhar 
Shastri, but was detected by the British in July 1818 and banished to Chunar near Banaras 

* where he died on 10 November 1829. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, III, 451-65, 
470-71* 481, 508 J 

SARDESAI-SARKAR correspondence 


subscriptions : but the work shd. not be closed for want of money. Then 
he asked me to send him a proposal to that effect & undertook to forward 
it to Govt, for consideration 

21. 10. 1931. 

I wish to know the date of Trimbakji Dengles’s death at Chunargad, 1 2 
where he was deported & confined towards the end of 1818, after Bajirao’s 
retirement to Bithur.* Bishop Heber 3 writing in 1824 mentions having 
visited Trimbakji and describes his character and occupation. 

22. 11. 1931. 

Shri Khase saheb Pawar Home member Gwalior ishere...Khase saheb 
told me that Parasnis is handing over 45 copies of English letters, which 
forms the 1st vol. of the series. I said the English vol. could not contain 
letters : we must wait until the book is in his hand actually. 

He however asked me to request you to try & spend about 3 days at 
Gwalior any time convenient to you in the near futu r e. He has recently 
received valuable addition of historical papers in Persian from some old 
families & is anxious to ascertain their worth. Among other papers there 
are Mahadji Sindhia’s Persian Diaries. I think it would be . convenient to 
you to go to Gwalior from Aligad or Allahabad & spend a few days in 
organising the Gwalior research work. He also said that Bhalerao’s 
Collection was now ready for inspection. He is writing to Mr. K. B. 
Dongre, Inspector _ General of Records Gwalior, to put you up as a State 

1. Chanar or Chunargarh is 26 miles south-west of Bauaras and 20 miles east of Mirzapur 
io U P. It has a fort b-iilt on a hill of Vindhyan range. Its fortification bears a testimony to 
the splendid masonary workmanship of the time. It is said that this fort was built by Bharati 
Nath, the king of Ujjain who was a brother of Vikramaditya, on this secluded wooded rock as a 
site for his hermitage. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , III, 346 ) 

2. Bithur is situated on the western bank of the river Ganga, 12 miles north-west of 
Kanpur in U.P., known for its Brahm Ghat, built by Raja Tikait Rai minister of Ghazi-ud-din 
Haider, Nawab o! Oudh and its bathing fe tivals. ( Imperial Gazetteer of India, III, 19-20.) 

3. Heber, Reginald, was appointed the Bishop of Calcutta in 1822. He travelled 
through the whole of India and visited Trimbakji on 11 September 1824. He wrote an account 
of his journeys in his Journey through India , from Calcutta to Bom with Notes upon 
Ceylon and the Southern Provinces . He died at Trichinopoly on 3 April 1826. (Concise 
Dictionary of National Biography , 596; Sardesai, New History of the Marat has, HI, 508 f.n.) 


guest if you should visit the place & to put the papers at your disposal. 
I think you can finish this business before arriving in Bombay. 

9. 2 . 1932 

Poona people are unnecessarily lavish in their terms of address — 
turning every ordinary man into a Saheb— Tatya Saheb [.] Nana Saheb, Baba 
Saheb &c. This is the peculiar characteristic of the Poona school of hollow 
praise. Mere “Nana” & "Baba” are the most endearing terms so far as 
Marathi is concerned. So pray don’t change me into a Saheb. Ram 
Shastri 1 scolded once a messenger who came & delivered a message to 
him from "Nana Saheb" — referring to Nana Fadnis. The Shastri replied 
“Nana Saheb is dead & how could he send me a message.” He ridiculed the 
messenger for calling Nana Fadnis a Saheb. 

12. 2. 1932. 

Your list of printed chronology 1739-1754 is indeed admirable & is of 
immense help for us here in our work. You must have already noticed 
the important document the very first in the 1st vol. of Rajwade yielding 
the Chowthai to the Marathas. The document was completed just before 
the elder Ghazi-uddin* started for the Deccan in the autumn of 1752. 
The date of that document shd. be some day in June of that year. Can 
you fix it & let me know ? 

I also wish to know the order or the reference, issued by Aurangzeb 
for pulling down temples & breaking idols — daily or monthly so many— of 
which I think we spoke when you were here last. 

Alienation Office 
9. 4. 1932 

I am extracting useful details from the Peshwas Diaries elucidating 
several missing points. The early movements of Bajirao [ , ] his 

1. Ram Shastri was the Chief Justice of the Maratha State and died on 20 October 
1709. (Sardesai. New History of the Marathas, II. 493-94, 545 , III, 28, 30-31,279.) 

2» Ghazi-ud-diru the elder, son of Niz&m-nl-mulk was born in 1710 and acted as the 
wazsr of Delhi and the Muchal Governor of Agra and Malwa for some time. He was poisoned 
by Nizam All’s mother in October, 1752. (Sardesai, New History of the MaratJ^. s, II, 80, 157, 
*95. 322,* 524.) 


participation in the fight at Sakharkhedla (Septr 1724) & his movements 
before Palkhed (Feb 1728) are now cleared. Palkhed is about 25 miles 
due n. e of Nasik. In this connection, please read letters 47-53 — 
particularly no 50 of selections 10 (early strife bet Bajirao & the Nizam). 
Can you say if all the dates are correct, particularly of Nos. 51-53 ? Can 
you find fuller details of this campaign in Persian or English ? 

The Peshwas Diaries mention the stiff action of Palkhed in which 
Bajirao sustained heavy casualties. A long list of killed Sardars is given. 
It seems, had not Bajirao joined the Nizam against Mubariz Khan, the 
former would not have won the day. It was till now supposed that 
Bajirao remained neutral. We have to construct this portion of Bajirao’s 
move & explain why he & Sha[h]u joined the Nizam & not Mubariz Khan. 

2. 5. 1932 

In one paper we find a sentence like this : Karim beg, the Dogat or 
Begat of Junnar is an influential person to be reckoned with, and we must 
put the proper construction upon it. tthis word distinctly shows an 
office— it may in Modi read «Rl or ; or or Kindly elucidate 

this point. 

The sanad of Poet Parmanand’s sons is dated 23. 4. 1716— the sons’ 
names are Shridhar & Deva-datta — the Inam villages are given by 
Rajasbai 1 2 of Kolhapur & the villages are also from that district. 

What is the correct pronunciation of Zabeta* (Sfjsrai JSTtr) 

son of Najib Khan ? 

So pray consider all such points & give us your experience St 
guidance without loss of time. We are in earnest & precious time is 
passing ; so please don’t let your little grandson interfere with urgent 
matters which I have referred to you. 

1. Rajasbai was Chhatrapati Rajaram’s wife. She gave birth on 23 May 1698 to 
Sambhuji II who received the kingdom ot Kolhapur from Shahu in 1731. She died on 26 April 
1751. (Sardesai, Sew History of the Harathas, X. 330, 342; II, 23, 91, 94. 117, 119-122.) 

2. Zabitah Khan was the eldest son of Najib-ud-daulah Rohilla. He was installed in 
the office of Mir Bakhshi [Head of the Army] on 29 December 1770. In administrative and 
political matters he fell far ^hort of his illustrious father and died on 21 January 1785. (Sarkar, 
Full of the Mughal Empire, III, 46-85, 129-62; Sardesai, Sew History of the Harathas , I, 510, 
516-17; III, 146 ) 




You have supplied me a very good account of the campaign bet. 
Bajirao & the Nizam in 1727-28 from Hadiqat-ul-Alam vol. 2. It deserves 
to be printed somewhere. Have I your permission to present it to the 
B. I. Mandal at its forthcoming annual gathering bet. 27-29 inst. If so, 
please let me have a line to that effect. It will then appear in their 
Quarterly. I am contributing some 20 original letters of Shivaji’s time 
referring to the Mouni Bervel’s math at Patagam 1 at the same meeting. 

Alienation Office Poona 

You will be glad to know that 1st. vol. of Sindhia letters (no 1 — 151) 
printed by Parasnis has been traced. 


* * * 

Dr. Balkrishna of Kolhapur has issued his first vol. of “ Shivaji the 
Great " — dealing with the career of Shahji. He has made free use of the 
Mudhol firmans & constructed what appears to be a correct genealogy of 
the Bhosles from the time of Alauddin Khilji with full details of each 
person— Mudhol & Shivaji families are said to be representatives of the 
same branch : they bifurcated in the 16th century. Another point made 
out by Balkrishna is the full & detailed career of Shahji which he has 
constructed, mainly relying on Parmanand & Jayram in addition to Mudhol 
firmans. I have read the vol through — it is published by Taraporevalla. 
I should wish that you see the book at once, if you have not already seen 
it. You had the Mudhol firmans already & if they are indeed of such a 
value as to supply unquestioned material for constructing a line of the 
ancestors of the Bhosles for over 300 years, they would mark a distinct 
advance in research. But I doubt how far Balkrishna is correct & to what 
extent he has succumbed to the wishes entertained by the Raja of Mudhol. 
If there be any hoax in it, it ought to be speedily exposed. Otherwise 
all that matter will go down as accurate & unchallenged history in 
the eyes not only of the Poona School of noisy history but outside also. 
Balkrishna derives Bhosle from Bahiravji or from The latter 

is clearly a Sanskritized form or Let me know what you think of 

1. Patagam was a small zamindari 16 miles north-east of Chamursi In the District Chanda 
of the old Central Provinces. {Imperial Gazetteer of India , XI, 223.) 



the performance. My mind is just now in the Peshwa Daftar & I have no 
time to sift Shahji. 

A. O. Poona 
7 July 1932. 

At the instance of the Comr. I have again sent round my begging 
bowl to some minor Chiefs of the Deccan. Rs. 200 have come from 
Malkapur (Chief of Vishalgad) : further instalments are coming from 
Aundh 1 2 3 * * * * & Ichalkaranji.* I met Mr. Shivgaokar here today & he is trying 
to send in Rs. 500 early in August. The Comr. desires that the deficit of 
ten thousand shd. be somehow made up. 



I have read your three Patna lectures & find them very instructive. 
You don’t seem to have touched the strife between Peshwa Balajirao & 
Raghuji Bhosla in Malwa about September 1742, before they extended 
their operations into Bihar & Bengal. Possibly that is out of the subject 
you had chosen 



Your letter to hand, re Patiala. 8 I think you need not move in that 
matter just yet. We need Rs 9692 to reach end of Feby next. We have 
in hand Rs 7750 ; & about 2000 more are promised & are expected in a 
month or two. I will tell you if at all our operations are going to be cut 
short for funds. We have further undertakings for which possibly we 
may need funds. 

Thanks for your corrections in Section 15. We are sending the 
index to the press shortly & will send you proofs. 

1. Aundh was a small state in the District of Satara. Bombay Province. 

2. Inchalkaranji or Ichalkaranji was an Important estate in the old Kolhapur Raj. 
(Imperial Gazetteer of India, VIII, 284.) 

3. Patiala was founded by Alha Singh about the middle of the eighteenth century. Later 

on it developed into the capital of a flourishing state of the same name, and occupied premier 

position in the Cis-Sutlej territory, fGupta, History of the Stkhs, I, 133; Ross, The Land of 

the Five Rivers and Sindh, 229-30; Douje, The Panjab, North-West Frontier Proving and • 

Kashmir. 271-4, 354.) 



Alienation Office Poona 

(2) I personally compared letter no 14 of Selection 14 with the 
original. The word has occurred twice & is perfectly clear. 

We feel cettain that the date of this letter is 31. 3. 1736 & not 1734, 
for various reasons. No. XIV. 56. XIII. 4a mention the same expedition, 
into Marwar where Merta is situated, under the joint command of 
Sindia & Holkar, at a time when the Peshwa had a friendly meeting 
with Jai Singh. Letter XIV. 14 is addressed to the Peshwa by Sinde 

& Holkar when the Peshwa is not far off. Peshwas’ Diaries do not 

mention Bajirao having gone to the north at all in 1734. He went to the 
north in 1736. This is supported by Irvine II & Oz[jh]a’s 351 ^fcl5T8. 

Wra 5.? for 1736 doubtless falls on Thursday & not on Monday. But 

we very often find that (Monday) & qJkrt* (Wednesday) are 

confused by Marathi writers. The word appears a bit scratched in the 
original : there is often a day’s difference in our calendar here. We 
have therefore decided the date of the letter to be in 1736 & feel we 
are right. 

We are all thankful therefore that you have taken so much pains 
to clear this & similar points. We are doing our best to leave no fault 
under the conditions we are in. 


5. 11. 1932 

If you have not made use of 5*3$ S'fcfl Pt I printed by the Mandal, 
in your Mug[h]al History, please do read that very valuable vol. It has 
many useful letters about Raghuji's doings in Bengal. 

3. 12. 1932 

I have received & read the report on the Modi rumals at the 
Tanjore Palace Library sent by Profr Nilakanthan. It is quite dis- 
appointing. The oldest paper in those rumals is dated 1763. These 
rumals were lying at the District Judge’s Court & have recently been 
transferred to the Library. The report is with me. 



Alienation Office 
27 Feb. 33 

I am translating your paper on the life of Najib-ud-daula and will 
finish it in about a week’s time. I think this is a most valuable addition 
to the sources of the Panipat campaign and must appear somewhere in a 
permanent form. I suggest that it should be printed in the volume of the 
Aitihasik Patravyavahara which is going to be shortly completed. The 
whole matter would be about 32 printed Mantthi pages and can very 
well go in as the concluding piece. This course will add to the value of 
the volume and will help its sale. If I print it in stray magazine 
elsewhere it will not be available to students in a permanent form. 
Kindly let me have your consent. 

Your English version mentions a Maratha Sardar named Bhure- 
I know you asked me at Kamshet to identify this man. Referring to the 
Marathi papers I find that in all those incidents in which Bhure is 
mentioned, a Mantha Sardar of the name of Bhoite 

occurs in Marathi papers. Please refer to the original and ascertain 
whether Bhure could be a corruption of Bhoite. There is a 

Maratha Sardar belonging to Holkar named Bu]e (§^) but I do not think 
that he can be identified with Bhure. 

9. 5. 1933 

After all I have been able to visit this place & see the fort Sindhu 

Durg of Shivaji yesterday this place is rather warm, situated on the 

beach of the West coast. The situation of Sindhu Durg is very romantic 
& the fort is surrounded by dangerous sea-rocks. 


The reference to Malharrao Holkar advising Dattaji Shinde 1 2 & 
Jankoji Shinde* not to molest Najib, since the Peshwas would in that case 

1. Dattaji Sindhia, the executive head of the Sindhia* s army and affairs in the north was 
the son of Ran »ji Sindhia and brother of Jayapa. He wa* a ‘rough impatient hustling soldier** 
(Sarkar) and perished in a fight with Najib Khan at Barari Ghat on 10 January 1760. (Sarkar, 
Fall of the Mughal Empire , II, 182-36, 193-213, 215-224. Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas, II, 353, 363, 403-12.) 

2. Jankoji Sindhia wa6 the son of Jayapa Sindhia. He took part in numerous campaigns 
and was killed in the Third Battle of Panipat. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas» II, • 
333, 384. 386, 402, 411, 443, Sarkar. Fall of the Mughal Empire , II, 182, 350.) 



make him wash their Dhotirs & would collect revenue from Attock to 
Rameshvar by their mere Jasuds, occurs on p. 41 & 42 of Bhau Sahib’s 
Bakhar which I now find is most authentic & true in almost every word, 
as it corroborates in important details the account given in your life of 
Najib Khan. The story of the Peshwas Dhotirs is repeated, tho not in so 
many words, in several newsletters also. I found this reference after I 
posted my letter this morning. 

Raghunath Yadav 1 2 3 gy/es a graphic story of Bhau Sahib’s negotiations 
with Abdali — quite authentic. 



[ Place not given ] 

The following points to be cleared : — 

1. When was Chandbibi murdered — exact date ? D. V. Apte 
mentions 1603 A. C. — which I think is wrong. It was after her murder 
that Ahmadnagar was captured by Akbar in 1600. 

2. Apte mentions that Mahabat Khan* who captured Daulatabad on 
17. 6. 1633, died on 6. 11. 1634 in the Deccan, quoting Elliot 7.45, for his 
authority. Is this correct ? Did not Aurangzeb employ Mahabat Khan* 
against Shivaji in 1671 ? In 'Shivaji d? his Times', you mention Mahabat 
Khan’s death in 1672. Were these two Khans of the same name ? 
Mahabat Khan also figured in the Deccan against Malik Ambar. 

3. In the Jamar papers which we have printed from the Peshwa 
Records, a paper is published dated 1675 being the letter of a grant by 
Sharifji Raje Bhosle, 4 evidently the brother of Shahaji— for that name 
does not occur anywhere else in the Bhosle family : while Shiva Bharat 

1. Raghunath Yadav was a clerk in the Peshwa*3 office and wrote an account of the 
Third Battle of Panipat in Marathi two years after that event. (Sardesai, Main Currents of 
Maratha History, 149.) 

2. This refers to Shah Jahan's General. For his account see G. S. S. to J. N. S. 
dated 15 November 1928. 

3. This refers to Aurangzeb’s general and is to be distinguished from his namesake who 
committed suicide on 26 October 1634. He was appointed to the supreme command in the 
Deccan in November 1670. Later he was transferred to Afghanistan, but he died on the way. 
(Sarkar, Shivaji, 182-85; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, I, 197.) 

4. Sharifji gave active support to his brother, Shahji, in the battle of Bhatavadi. 
(Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I. 55.) 



mentions Sharifji as having been killed in the battle of Bhatavdi in 
1624 Novr. I am now detecting many errors of fact in the Shiva Bharat. 

4. I have recently studied the ffcrsrfNfrsteTsrfo that is the detailed 
construction of the various parts of Shivaji’s life which the Poona Tercen- 
tenary Celebration Committee prepared in 1930 through many scholars. 
They have used all the sources that were available to them & interpreted 
many. For instance, they maintain that Mohammad Adilshah approved 
the doings of Shivaji & Dadaji Kondadev. In this connection the Firman 
which you obtained at Kosi 1 is a good answer. In that paper the Adilshah 
declares Dadaji his enemy. Please tell me where you have printed that 
Firman. It deserves to be published in Marathi. 

28. 8. 1933. 

My main object is to communicate to non-Marathi India what the 
Maratha mind has been thinking. Hence I have included in the treatment 
long discussions about Maharastra Dharma, Shivaji s aims & other topics 
of a like nature. I perfectly understood to be what you 

interpret. I wish to convey the main idea that there was a general 
craving throughout the country for religious toleration & full persona 
liberty of conscience, of which Aurangzeb in particular deprived the 
nation so wantonly. Aurangzeb’s persecution of Yashvant Singh roused 
the same indignation in the Rajput mind which actuated Shivaji in the 
South. Ala-uddin’s doings & the doings of the Mussalmans against 
Vijayanagar created deep indignation throughout : & there was a general 
desire for Hindu Empire for India. But apart from this, I wish to impart 

to all foreign readers what many writers & scholars in Maharastra have 

said. I can certainly avoid my own responsibility for such views by 
giving a slightly different turn to the expressions used. By the verse 
I can say that some scholars have asserted that there 
was a general craving for a Hindu Empire for India and so on. In this 
respect I have not concealed what the Moslems thought and felt about 
the Maratha doings. I have purposely given in one of the papers a 

translation of some important words put into the mouth of Ahmadshah 

Abdali by the writer of a bakhar on Panipat 

1. Kosi is 29 miles north-west of Mathura. It is the head-quarters of the Kosi tahsil of 
the Mathura District of U.P. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , VIII* 300.) • 




23. 9. 1933 

I do not find any contemporary mention of Palkhed. The only 
paper that helps us to determine the movements of the Nizam is No. 50 
of P. D. Selec. 10. Peshwa Balajirao’s Diary does not mention the place 
and omits one month as you say. In our extracts from the Peshwas’ 
Diaries, we start from about Oct 1728. Palkhed is I think about 8 miles 
n. of Niphed 1 2 3 & I find another Palkhed, 2 miles s. of Dindori : but I 
cannot believe any of these lie on the route of the Nizam so far west of 
Aurangabad.* Palkhed now is known for its canal from Dindori. But 
Rajavade’s vol. 2 (P. 56) Shakavali & the Shakavli of Parasnis in Bharat 
Varsha (vol. 2) mention it (3rd. line under 1128 p. 7— the <7 is a 
misprint for 5T. Duff does not mention the place & apparently all 
contemporary papers mention places of the West Godavari region bet. 

&c. P. D. Selection 10. 52 mentions alfrpri). These are 
goddesses which are alluded to in many places & which no Maratha 
sardars neglected to visit or to go round I do not know where exactly 
these are — on some high peak — possibly near or sn^rar 

^TC5T. The are all mentioned & the places where 

the Nizam was brought to bay must be in the region s. w. of «K*iT^T?. 

23. 10. 1933 

Can you kindly tell me when & how Netaji Palkar was coverted to 
be a Muhammadan & where can I find the details of his life between 1665- 
75 ? Similarly I wish to know if Daud Khan Khureshi, who fought with 
Shiva ji at Chandwad® after the 2nd loot of Surat is the same Daud Dhan 
who is styled Panni in Maratha papers, & who figured later in the Deccan 
after Aurngzeb’s death. 

1. Niphed is 20 miles north-west of Nasik. It is the head-quarters of the Niphed sub* 
division of the Nasik District, Bombay. {Imperial Gazetteer of India , X* 337.) 

2. Aurangabad is situated on the banks of a small perennial stream called Kahm, 68 
miles from Ahmadoagar, and 175 miles from Bombay. It was founded by the celebrated 
Malik Ambar, the Regent of the Nizam Shahi kingdom of Ahmadnagar. It is a place of 
historical importance having great monuments in its neighbourhood. 

3. Ctiandwar or Chandor is situated 40 miles north-east of Nasik. It was fouuded by 
t Holkar in 1763. It stands at a height of 4,300 ft. The town has a fort which was not easily 

accessible. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , III, 3l0.) 


28. 12. 1933 


I find the Bukhar Shivadigvijaya quotes long passages from Shivaji’s 
letters to his brother now proved to be entirely authentic. They cannot 
be rejected as apocryphal, as a facsimile of them in Balaji Avgi’s 1 hand is 
pubished. I therefore feel beyond doubt that Shiva-digvijaj'a, shorn of its 
flourishes, which can be easily detected, has a great substratum of truth 
in it & cannot be rejected as worthless. It was very likely written in 
1718 by Khando Ballal. 

Jedhe mentions that Dilir Khan took poison in the same month as 
Aurangzeb arrived at Ahmadnagar (i.e. 13. 11. 1683) Aurangzeb VoL IV 
p. 366. Why have you not mentioned this end of Dilir Khan in your 
History ? Or have I failed to notice it ? Please let me know why Dilir 
suffered in the Emperor’s estimation when he had served so loyally all 

30. 1. 1934 

Glad to learn that you have discovered a life of Mahadji Sindia. I 
will render your English translation into Marathi, if you send me a copy. 
I am also in need of the early life of Najib-ud-daula. Kindly make it 
available to me...... 

24. 4. 1934 

Our friend Mr. Khandekar has offered a donation of Rs 200 for the 
Peshwa Daftar work.! 

26. 4. 1934. 

Messrs Chandorkar & Bavdekar have recently brought out a useful 
little volume reproducing the handwritings of several Maratha characters 

1. Balaji Avji was the Confidential secretary of Shivaji. He was a shrewd diplomat and 
devoted servant. He was executed by Shambhuji in October 1681 for plotting against his life. 
(Sardes&i, New History of the Marathas, I, 118-19, 128, 167, 180, 209, 231, 293, 29>.) 



of historical times and have now published a line in Shivaji’s own hand 
and two Balbodh lines of his son Sambhaji. You may have heard of Mr. 
Chandorkar before. He was once entrusted with the work of cataloguing 
the Mandal records, but had to quit the Mandal as he was not trusted. 
Mr. Bavdekar is the present descendant of the famous Babuji Naik 1 & is 
an Inamdar. Both the gentlemen are ardent students of Maratha History. 
Mr. Chandorkar recently worked for three months at the A. O. & studied 
the various hanwritings. Mr. Bavdekar is anxious to write & publish a 
full life of Babuji Naik. I take interest in this work & help them with 
advice as much as I can. 

One main point they established in this book is they reproduce a line 
in the actual handwriting of Shivaji, page 1 viz qgct ail §3 3TST. 

They have sifted the various methods of concluding official letters 
and proved that the Chhatrapatis, Shivaji & all his successors, concluded 
their official letters with this same line. Similar letters with the same 
concluding line have been already printed in Sanads & Letters, Rajwade 
vol 15, vol. 9 & elsewhere. They came to Kamshet & spent a 

day with me discussing the question & verifying it from the different 
sources. They are ready & anxious to put before you for your dispassionate 
judgment all that they claim to prove & with this object they are sending 
you the volume. I wish you will give your best attention to it. 

I wish to know if you are aware of any such places as 

fl &c. which are mentioned in the composed by 

Raghunath Pandit Hanmante 2 (see p. 143 — verse 80 of Shiva-Charitra- 
Pradip). may possibly be Btofilfi. is evidently w h. 

Shivaji visited in his expedition to Tanjore. 

I have not been able to follow the two verses 76 & 77. It seems the 
conception of the was originally of Raghunath, who had it 

ready with him & showed it to Shivaji in 1677 at Tanjore. Raghunath’s 
family was the JsiWWTWs of the Bhosles. He was anxious to be made the 

1. Babuji Naik, Joshi of Baramati, was the brother of Abaji who was married to a sister 
of Baji Rao I. He had the support of Chh’atrapati Shahu and obtained from him lands at 
Baramati. He ‘‘was in many ways a singular personality bound in relationship with the Peshwa’s 
house. He witnessed the regimes of six consecutive rulers.” (Sardesai, New History of the 
Marathas , II, 147, 157, 207, 214, 259, 292, 297, 176, 493.) 

2. Raghunath Narayan Hanmante, the author of the Rajavyavahctr Kosha , was the son 
of Naro Trimal Hanmante. He faithfully served Shahji and Ekoji. Shivaji once remarked: 
“We look upon you fully in the place of our revered parent and cannot too highly estimate 
yoursertfices/* (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , 1, 214, 228*29, 239, 243-44 f 299.) 



irrarar at Raigad : but Ramchandra Nilkanth was already there : so Shivaji 
gave him the Govt, of Jinji. The was composed by 

(see verse I of the 3^51* p. 175). Carefully studied[,] this 
composition yields some bits of useful information. 



Your life of Malik Ambar is of immense service to me. It definitely 
establishes the desertion of Tadhavrao & Kate 1 & Udaram 2 3 to the Mughals 
in 1614 before the battle of Patan on Sunday 25th Bahman. Kate Babaji is 
the Kaith or Kaitha of Jahangir’s autobiography. One can now well trace 
the antipathy of the Bhosles to the Jadhavs. 

Can you kindly, if possible at once, tell me the exact English date 
corresponding to Sunday 25 Bahman of A.C. 1614 & also where Patan or 
the river of that name is (P.638 of your paper in Ind Hist Quart.) We 
have practically travelled through this region. Shah Nawaj Kh. * burnt 
Khadki 8 Sc returned to Balapur through Rohinkhed. Patan therefore shd 
be somewhere between Aurangabad Sc Fardapur 4 . But the maps don’t 
mention Patan at all. It cannot be Paithan. Mhaldar Khan. Mustapha Kh., 
Mirza Minuchihr & others are common names given by Shiva Bharat Sc the 
Persian writers. We can push on the research of this dark period to a 
distinct stage forward 



Sonagiri or Songad 5 -where Rivington 6 * & others were confined is not 

1. Vide Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 49-50. 

2. Udai Ram was formerly an officer of Malik Ambar. (Beni Prasad History of 
Jahangir , 242, 305, 310, 316, 317 333 Sardesai New History of the Marathas, I. 48-49, 50.) 

3. Khadki or Khirki was a small village 7 miles south of Daulatabad and was chosen by 
Malik Ambar as the new capital of the Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar before 1616. 
The site was later on chosen by Aurangzeb for founding the city of Aurangabad in 1636. 
{Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 44-49.) 

4. The village of Fardapur is situated on the Aurangabad-Ajanta Road. It is 4 miles 
from the Ajanta pass. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , IV, 392.) 

5. Songad now a small village but once a flourishing town is situated 45 miles east of 
Surat, (Imperial Gazetteer of India, XIII, 60 ; Cambridge History of India, IV, 381 ) 

6. Ravington, the chief of the English factory of Rajapur, and three other factors were 

taken into captivity by Shivaji in 1661. The charge against them was that they had actively 

supported the Bijapur commander, Siddi Jauhar, who was besieging Shivaji in the fort of 
panhaja in 1660, They were released in February 1663. (Sark^r, Shivaji, 335-38.} 



the Songad of the Baroda State but a small fort near Raigad, three miles 
north west of Mahad, Kolaba Dist. But the of verse 80 of the 

U. 5^. q?rftcl might be fhf\ where Sambhaji, Shahji’s son was killed. 

Where is Valan where Jedhe says died. It is in 




Gangadhar killed at Delhi fort on 27.7.1760 must be Gangadhar Baji 
Retrekar. Baji Retrekar was beaten by Sadat Khan 1 in 1737 & his letters 
have been printed in P.D . You will find Gangadhar Baji mentioned in the 
index vol. of P.D several times. I think Pilaji Jadhav’s son Sambhaji 
was killed at Panipat. But am not sure. I am glad you are re-editing 
Kashiraj’s bakhar. His correct name is Keshiraj. (see P.D. 2. 148). 
Sadashiv Pandit (Rawlinson’s Sendur* mast be Sadashiv Ballal Phadke, 
brother of Haripant. 2 C.S. Sirinivasachari writes is a village having 
a great shrine. 18 miles west of is a taluk 

in north Arcot 24 miles west of Jinjee 



Recently I have thoroughly exd. the subject of ShivajPs birth date & 
am more than ever convinced absut the old date being correct. I am 
putting my arguments in Eiglish & when completed I will send them to 
vou. Let us then appear publicly fully arm 2 d & knock down this fad of the 
Poona school on the head. 

1 Saadat Khan was a Persian from Naishapur. He first obtained service as the 
Fsujdar of Hindaun and Biana under the Mughal's and was tran ferred to Oudh in 1723. He 
fought many a battle against the Marathas and took poison when Nadir Shah, the Per ian 
Kirg who had come to Delhi in 1739, rebuked him for his failure to procure for him 20 crores 
of rupees. < Sard esai. New History of the Marathas , II, 37, 147, 152, 165 , Irvine, Later 
Mughals, II, 55, 134-35. 363-64.) 

2. Haripant Phadke, the Maratha general, was a devoted and loyal c ervant of the 
State He died on 19 June 1794. (Sarde ai, New History of the Maruthas, II, 540 , III. 24, 
<25, 27, 49-51, 105, 131. 186-194, 237-242, 308 Main Currents of Maratha History # 152, 206 i 
Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 401.) 



a 7. 1934 

I have now started work on Rajaram & realize the excellent services 
you have rendered to Maratha history. Some of your chapters, parti- 
cularly chapter I of your vol. V is worth its weight in gold. I have never 
read anything more ennobling, more reasoned & more thoughtful. The 
language itself is highly eloquent. You have analysed Aurangzeb most 
impartially & critically. Although I had read the book before, it is one 
thing to read it casually & quite another to read it with a specific purpose. 
Sambhaji & Rajaram you have practically constructed anew. I do not 
know where wd. Maharastra have been but for your tremendous 

Damodar Hingne died in 1757 at Zanshi (see Rajvade I. 63 p. 113). 
His brother Bapuji was living in 1761. I should like to have a copy of 
Kashirai’s correct rendering if that is going to appear anywhere separately. 

Alienation Office Poona 
3. 12. 1934 

I shall look out for the missing documents in Malet’s Correspondence. 
We have no outward files for the two years 1788 & 89 : are they available 
there at all ? It is a big gap in the affairs of Poona. Will you kindly 
tell me if in Mahadji’s papers you have come across any document men- 
tioning the attitude of Mahadji towards the subject of the Marathas 
humbling Tipu with the English help. Malet mentions that Haripant 
Phadke was not in favour of the triple alliance agst Tipu; & Parsharam 
Bhau 1 was selected to the Maratha command, because he had suffered 
most from Tipu’s aggressions. Malet’s tone begins gradually to rise 
towards Nana whom he soon compelled to submit to his will. Nana began 
to feel this but could not retract. I should like to have for this vol. of 
Tipu any documents illustrating the attitude of Mahadji. 

1. Parashuram Bhau Patwardhan was an experienced soldier and was appointed to the 
chief command against the Nizam in March 1795. He died in a fight with the Kolhapur 
Chhatrapati on 17 September 1709. (Sardesai , New History of the Maratha?, Ill, lOfc, 13J. 
186*90, 5595, 296,97, 314-15, 323, 327, 344-45.) 



Alienation Office 
Poona I 

14th December 1934 


Malet, I find, is a powerful writer, an imperialistic enthusiast wielding 
a powerful pen. Some of his writings can almost be called classic. He 
often grows eloquent like his contemporary, Burke. His first file well 
illustrates my impressions. But what I deplore most is. that similar files 
of his despatches to G. G. for some of the following years are not forth- 
coming here. Malet’s letters to the Governors of Bombay & Madras & to 
the Residents of various places are short, & business like and contain little 
that can be called political or historical. Therefore it is, I think most 
essential that Malet’s letters to the G. G. for the years 1787, 1788, 1789, 
1792-93, 1794, 1795 & 1796 should be recovered & edited by any means. 
They are bound to be to be [ slip of the pen . Ed. ] most important 
historically. There is not a single letter of Malet here for 1787 to the 
Governor General. 

Alienation Office Poona 
16. 1. 1935 

File no 20 outward contains letters from Malet to Sir John Shore, 
all quite important : but it seems Malet did not feel the same regard for 
Shore as he did for Cornwallis & hence his letters to the former are brief 
& rigidly official. Malet did not fully endorse Shore’s non-intervention 
policy & was superc[s]eded by Jonathan Duncan, 1 in the appointment to 
the Governorship of Bombay to which Malet aspired. He therefore 
resigned in disgust & refused to work in the Council of Jonathan Duncan 
Malet’s last letter to Shore dated Poona 21. 2. 1797 is very eloquent but 
the last page of the file is missing in this collection & I shall be grateful if 
you can kindly supply the missing portion. Malet left Poona finally on 
21. 2. 1797. I enclose the incomplete page for reference. 

1. Duncan, Jonathan, was born on 15 May 1756. He was the Governor of Bombay 
from December 1795 to August 1811 and took a prominent part in the wars against Tipu and 
the Marathas. He died at Bombay in 1811. (Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography , 





By the way, I strongly feel you must visit Raigad before you issue 
another edition of your Shivaji. I at least got quite a realistic view of 
Shivaji’s life & work after my visit to that place. Sindkhed 1 2 & Pachad* are 
so immensely alike that one can realize how much Shivaji owed to his 
mother in all that he achieved. Pachad has big dilapidated palaces[,] wells 
& gardens of the same type that one meets with at Sindkhed under the 
Jadhavs. Raigad is easily approachable now from Poona or Kamshet 
with daily bus services running through to Mahad (100 miles) and 
on to Konzar, about 13 miles to the foot, where the ascent begins. The 
ascent is from 5 to 6 miles & will take quite three full hours to walk. I 
would like to go with you again if you think of a programme for it next 
time you happen to come to this side. 

[ Place not given. Ed. ] 

"During this period, therefore, the Maratha power made itself felt in 
Indian affairs, in the wars & diplomacy of Mahadji Sindhia in Hindusthan, 
which culminated in placing the Padishah of Delhi under Maratha tutelage 
(1788) &c.” 

[ Extract from Sir Jadunath's draft introduction, p. 2 for the vol. of Mahadji 
Sindia ]. 

I take exception to this statement. The Padishah had accepted 
Maratha tutelage since 1771 (Dec.) Mahadji merely revived the old posi- 
tion & that too in 1785 when the Padishah came of his own accord from 
Delhi & met Mahadji near Agra. In 1788 Gulam Kadar 3 was punished by 
Mahadji. In fact the Marathas made themselves responsible for the Mughal 
court since the treaty of 1752 : the position or undertaking was confirmed 

1. The town of Sindhkhed is situated in the vicinity of Daulatabad in the Berar 
District of Bombay and it was the seat of the Jadhavs from which dynasty hailed Shivaji’s 
mother. {Imperial Gazetteer of India, XII, 526-27 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 

2. Pachad or Pachora i3 30 miles south-east of the Ajanta caves and the nearest 
railway station for them. It is 35 miles south-east of Dhulia. ( Imperial Gazetteer of Indta, 
Vol. X, 522-23.) 

3. Ghulam Qadir was the son of Zabitah Khan Rohilla and grandson of the celebrated 
Najib-ud-daulah. The Mughal Emperor appointed him Mir Bakhshi and Regent on 5 
September 1787. Unendowed with pity or shame, he inflicted unspeakable atrocities upon the 
royal family. He “had needle* driven through the eyes of the Emperor”, tortured the palace 
servants and dishonoured the princesses. At last he was captured by Mahadji and put to 
death in March 1789 by tortures which were ”a faint echo” of what he had done. (Sarkar, 
Fall of the Mughal Empire . HI, 134, 145, 396, 399, 430-446, 449-457, 465-70 ; IV, 8-9.), 


in 1771 & completed by Mahadji from 1785 — 1792. Mahadji’s wars against 
the Rajputs were entirely in the interest of the Emperor. 



Can you kindly enlighten me as to what the Residents of Sindia & 
Peshwa mean by newspapers, to which they often refer in their writings. 
I suppose they mean the akhbaras [akhbarat] : but were these akhbaras 
available for the public ? I should like to know how news used to be 
supplied in those days in the absence of printed newspapers of our day. 



I have accepted to deliver four lectures in Marathi at Nagpur 
(Paranjhe memorial) next February & have elected to speak on Shivaji 
period (1527-1707), devoting 2 lectures to Shivaji & I each to Sambhaji & 
Rajaram. I shall feel much obliged if you can give me a few tips, so as to 
enable me to say something novel or striking. There is now hardly any- 
thing unsaid about Shivaji. I have to write the lectures beforehand. It is 
not the insignificant remuneration which attracts me (150 Rs only), but I 
did not like to decline a cordial invitation from Lhe Vice-Chancellor. 

Gagan Bavda 
Via Kolhapur 

A curious but valuable find is a paper of specific terms dictated by 
Ram Chandra Pant to Shahu & accepted by the latter in his own hand- 
writing. The paper bears no date. I will send you a copy of this paper 
soon. The paper has no date. Very likely it is 1708 : the point is why 
Shahu put greater confidence in or preferred as his guide Balaji Vishvanath 
to Ram Chandra Pant, an experienced & capable statesman. I wish to secure 
for this situation as much light on men & events from Persian sources after 
Aurangzeb’s death 

19. 6. 1936 

Visaji Krishna’s son’s name is Mahipant Vishvanath, surnamed 
Binivale, a Karhada Brahman. He worked with Maratha forces against 
Tipu Sultan 1785-86. I do not know if he was amil of Panipat. 



Sadashiv Dinkar is a Konknastha, surnamcd Abhyankar (wh. is rather 
doubtful.) He was not a spy but an accredited agent of Nana Fadnis with 
Mahadji Sindia. He was trained under his predecessor Naro Shivdev — 
both competent & powerful writers, always defending Nana. 

9. 7. 1936 

At last I received a copy of yr. vol. yesterday & was delighted beyond 
measure. Although I had read your introduction before in proof. I was 
particularly impressed yesterday with the deep scholarship, clever arrange- 
m ent of matter & the thought provoking treatment of the subject, which 
doubtless disclose the supreme craft of a master architect. Such contribution 
to history is indeed rare & will be I am sure everlasting I often feel I am 
responsible to a great extent for launching you into this undertaking of 
the Poona Residency Records. You could possibly have utilised your time 
& labour better : but now that the result is before me, I am persuaded 
the work will in itself prove a valuable lesson in the study of history 

3rd Septr. 1936 

Several writers & speakers on this side have been declaring that 
recent research in Bengal proves that the Black Hole was a myth & that 
it was entirely a concocted affair. Such a report was current several years 
ago & you wrote to me then that Little & Holwell’s writings conclusively 
prove that the tragedy was a fact. Can you tell me if there is any fresh 
discovery in Bengal about this subject & why it is again revived. 

* * * 

The itinerary of Ramchandra Ganesh 1 has been fully printed in 
P. D. Selection 29 pages 291-349. He is last mentioned on pages 320 & 
326. But he was recalled by the dying Peshwa Madhavrao I. Soon after 
the Emperor’s entry into Delhi on 25 Dec. 1771, he left the Maratha camp 
& returned to Deccan. He felt it a disgrace & became an ascetic & roamed 
naked in Poona. Khare’s vol. 4 letters No 1185 & 1186 (P. 1904 & 1905) 

1. Ramchandra Ganesh had distinguished himself in war and diplomacy and was 
appointed by the Peshwa to direct the North Indian expedition in 1770, but was superseded 
by Visaji Krishna on 26 April 1771. He died fighting on 12 December 1780. (Sardesai, 
New History of the Marathas, II, 367, 393, 509-11, 514-16, 5:7-29 ; III, 107 ; Sarkar, Fall of 
the Mughal Empire , III, 13-14, 32-35.) 



mention this incident, so that Ramchandra Ganesh was in Poona in July 
1772. Visaji Krishna remained in charge at Delhi & was recalled after 
the murder of Narayanrao 1 2 3 (August 1773). The vast treasure he brought 
from the north fell into Raghoba’s hands & enabled him to continue his 
opposition to the ministerial party 

Gopal Ganesh Barve had one son Govind. Govind’s son Bajirao 
became more famous, as a staunch adherent first of Raghoba & then of his 
son Bajirao II 

14. 10. 1936 

I thought the old Vijayanagar region was proper for our joint tour. 
I have written to some friends. I propose to meet you at Hydarabad & 
then we shall settle. For research work it is better some local persons 
know our programme beforehand. Let me know what you wish. I can 
arrange a good tour into Northern Konkon*— Kaliyan Vajreshvari & 
Bassein* &c — all in a car which a gentleman is anxious to put at our 


Dasara 25 Qct 1936 

I am glad you will be on this side again soon, so that we can take 
stock of what has so far been achieved & what further plans can be for- 
mulated. I am also glad that you approve of visiting the Vijayanagar 
region. Your article on Shahji has been translated & will soon appear 
somewhere. I feel our differences are only verbal ; but such as they are 

1. Narayanrao born on 10 August 1755 was the younger brother of Peshwa Madhavrao 
who died on 18 November 1772. He received the robes of Pe'hwathip on 13 December 1772 
and was murdered at the instance of Raghunathrao on 30 August 1773. (Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas, II, 534, 540 ; III, 11-14. 23, 26.) 

2. Konkan **A name applied to Marathi-speaking lowland strip along the southern 
portion of Bombay presidency situated between the We .tern Ghats and the Sea.” (Imperial 
Gazetteer of India, VIII, 289.) 

3. The town of Bassein i3 situated 27 miles north of Bombay on the sea-shore, and is 
separated from the mainland by a strait. It is the chief town of the Bassein sub-division of 
the Thana District of Bombay. Its usefulness for shipping attracted the Portuguese and in 
1534 Bahadur Shah of Gujrat hard pressed by Humayun ceded it to them. In 1536 the 
Portuguese built there a citadel which remained in their possession for nearly two centuries. 
In 1739 the town was captured by the Marathas and they lost it to the English finally in 
1818 . (Imperial Gazetteer of India, II, 191-92.) 



1 don't feel like giving up the positions I have been maintaining. I am 
hoping to find some tangible evidence for or against by an actual 
inspection of the region of Shahji’s activities— Surapur, 1 (Wakinkheda) [,] 
Talikot, Mudgal, 2 3 Anagundi, 8 Gajendragad, Kampli, 4 5 Sandur, 6 * Penukonda 
&c. Mr. B. V. Jadhav wishes to join us & we three can hire a car & run 
about for a few days quietly. I am trying to get into touch with some 
local people who would help us. I am not sure we can find much but 
anyway a new region will have been visited. You know they are 
celebrating the six Centenary of Vijayanagar foundation on the next 
X’mas day & I am anxious we finish our visit quietly before the bustle of 
the celebrations begins. Janjira & the Kalyan regions are also on hand. 
I am preparing the details to keep them ready for final approval when 
you arrive. 

Girgaon, Bombay, 
Date, 20 April 1937. 

Ahalyabai was a woman of great parts & abilities, no doubt ; but 
she was so parsimonious as re armaments & military matters in general, 
that she did not fully realize the danger of British aggression & did not 
co-operate wholeheartedly with Mahadji in this respect. But it was her 
sex which was to blame more in this connection. Tukoji 8 was brave 

1. Surapur or Wakinkheda is a town in the Gulbarga District of the old Hyderabad 
State. It is 65 miles south-east of Bijapur. 

2. The town of Mudgal is 57 miles west of Raichur on a non-perennial rivulet in the 
Andhra State. The town and its forts played a great part in the history of Southern India 
during the Muslim rule. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , IX, 526.) 

3. Anagundi situated to the south of the Tungabhadra river in the Deccan was the 
head-quarters of the Narapathi dynasty in the fourteenth century. It again became the seat 
of some of the descendants of the last of the Vijayanagar rulers after his fall at the battle of 
Talikota in 1564* Its chiefs maintained their power for a century or so until they were 
overpowered by the rising states of Bijapur and Golkonda. 

4. The town of Kampli is situated on the Tungabhadra river 25 miles north-west of 
Bellary in the District of Bellary of the Mysore State. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , 
VII, 354.) 

5. Sandur was a chief's state in the Bellary District of the Mysore State. It was 
founded by Maloji Rao Ghorpade who was an officer of the Bijapur army. His son Biraj 
entered Shivaji’s service. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, XII, 206-209.) 

6. Tukoji Holkar was the chief executive servant of Ahalyabai. Though a brave and 

valiant soldier, he was inordinately addicted to drink and indulged in excessive licentiousness. 

He died in his camp at Poona on 15 August 1797. (Sardesai, N cw History of the fljarathas, 
lilt 205, 211, 330 ; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 138-39.) 



enough personally but always played into the hands of his Brahman intri- 
guers & had no will of his own. It was unfortunate that the house of the 
Holkars came to be one of divided power between a pious lady & a soldier 
given to drink. Your reading of the situation is indeed very true 

31. 5. 1937. 

The Darjiling teas by way of present for the uncalled for Rao 
Bahadurship have arrived and have been highly welcomed by me, my 
wife & the doctor’s family who are just now here for their annual 
sojourn. Our affairs are progressing satisfactorily. I wonder whether 
the initiative for Rao Bahadurship went from you. Anyway it will stick 
to me now for ever much against my will. 

Kamshet P. 

17. 6. 1937 

I feel Rao Bahadur coming from you is tco ceremonious & loses the 
pleasure of homely intimacy. Coming from others also, it has never been 
welcome to me. I know whenever I have had to call on a Rao Bahadur 
at Poona or elsewhere, I always felt a kind of awe & strangeness & thought 
I was not going to meet an ordinary person like me. Anyway I am too 
old now to reconcile myself to such empty honours distinguishing one 
human being from another. Is it not a pleasant thought to feel, “dust 
thou are & to dust thou shalt go.” 

* * + 

I have recently read a book a kind of autobiography by an English 
merchant, a servant in the E. I. Co. named Edward Carlyon. He was in 
India for 20 years 1664-1684 & the book was printed shortly after. It was 
much appreciated by James II & William III. It contains some striking 
glimpses of Shivaji & the Marathas and at least one long remarkable 
episode of Shivaji having attacked and killed one Khoja Bax, the keeper 
of a fort named Tajpur, & a trusted officer of Aurangzeb. The book is in 
old English with grammatical inaccuracies of those days but the edition 
I have read is a new one printed I believe about 50 years ago. The 
covering pages are lost. Tajpur is near Ujjain & it does not seem likely 
that Shivaji travelled to any place north of the Nermada in 1677. The 
writer is an admirer of Shivaji & a hater of Aurangzeb, the Portuguese & 
others. I wonder if you have known & read the book. I am writing a 
Marathi note of it. 



18. 11. 1937. 

I would draw your attention to the Sayeedia Library, Jam Bag where 
those old Sanads of Shahji are kept. Mr. Mohammad Ghause M.A.[,] 
LL[.]B. is the person through whom you can see the documents. This 
gentleman is a clerk under Mr. Khurshed Ali. I gathered the impression 
while at Hydarabad that much useful material of old history can be 
collected at that place. I wonder if you have visited the vast store of 
old papers owned by one Dr. Mohammad Kasim, Pathargaddi. It is well 
worth a visit. 

7 March 1938 

Your letter to hand together with the draft of this poor wretch’s 
early life. What is all this ! I altogether dislike the idea of a 
Commemoration vol. I have done nothing to deserve it. I have 
worked, as so many others have done, on my own account & with no idea 
of doing any service. There is no service at all. I have served myself. 
If my little humble work is appreciated that is enough reward & ample 

purse for me I am now publicly repudiating the affair. So many of 

my friends and others of high worth & reputation have been similarly 
trapped. This has pained me most & I feel awfully ashamed. The Satara 1 
affair itself three years ago was an uncalled for affair & happily it is 
relegated to the past. I do not want any more ceremonies. 

* * * 

I am most serious of spending at least a month with you at Darjiling, 
whether Pissurlencar joins or not. I do it in my own interest. I long a 
change and wish to develop further avenues of work under your 

24 March 1938 

I did not know you had tried so much to secure first-rate articles 
from most of our common friends for a volume to be issued on my 
birthday. What irritated me most, apart from my aversion to such 
memorials, was the public announcement in the papers for collecting 

1. This refers to the conferment of a robe of honour on G S, Sardesai by the Chhatrapafi 
of Satara. 



contributions towards the presentation of a purse, a beggary for which 
Savarkars & all his kind have made themselves notorious 

Powell Building 
Bombay 4 

Friday 10th June 1938. 

We took Hindu meals at different places, which were handed into 
the train & were cheap & delicious. If one informs the guard in time, 
the meals come in punctually in large plates & brass cups which the 
men take away at the next station. This is now a permanent fixture 
on the railway lines & few people now resort to the costly dining car. 

Kamshet P. 
30 June 1938 

I am so glad that you are given the rare chance of exploring the 
Jaipur records. I will join you immediately I get your wire 

31 July 1938 

In this connection our deliberations of the Kamshet week will prove 
a most desirable prelude, the more so on account of Shafaat Ahmad’s move 
to fix his own function nearly at the same time, so that people will easily 
realize by comparison what is solid & what is hollow trash. Tikekar 
wrote to him to change his dates by two or three days. He has agreed to 
concede one day : Tikekar has now asked two days. Let us see what he 
ultimately fixes. Several gentlemen have signified their intention of 
spending a few days here & then proceed to Allahabad. But I have my 
own views in the matter. I think our object is essentially different 
from that of Allahabad. Paper reading, speech making & other advertising 
items are their mainstay : while we here will have quiet heart to heart 
talks, consultations & deliberations, throughout night & day as we sit 
together & devote practically all our time to the subject. We will 
handle only a few subjects, not ambitious spectacular plans for the world 
at large but practical items for those who wish to sit down & start work 
at once. A new school of argent [evidently a slip of the pen. Ed .] workers, 
young novices, is fast coming into being as in politics & we must 
encourage such workers & separate them from the old figure heads 



Kamshet P, 

3 Septr ’38 

I notice one important point as re the history of the British period 
from the fall of the Peshwas onward — 1818 to 1858, — viz that no Indian 
materials exist to corroborate or refute the plentiful British materials, 
however ably they may have been written. The Sepoy War is absolutely 
without any Indian view or version being offered for study, so possibly 
the Burmese & the Sikh & the Afghan Wars Would it not be advisable 
to look for Indian sources for this whole period in order to check the 
British versions in all cases 

Please inform me of the meaning of 

Pora g hur Battalion 

in the accompanying proof by the returning post. 

Is the word correct or does it require annotation ? 
1. 12. 1938 


4th January 1939. 

There are a few letters of the time of Bajirao I explaining his part 
at the time of Nadir Shah’s invasion. There was a suggestion that advan- 
tage shd. be taken of Nadir Shah’s invasion & the humbled state of the 
Mughal fortunes : but Shahu prohibited the Peshwas from aspiring for the 
Crown of Delhi — his words are “'TTa^T'fl 

JTTSfa. tffolfaTl ST#T 

” There is no credit in pulling down the 

empire. Our king does not aspire for the imperial crown. He will be 
happy in resuscitating it. To repair an old temple is more meritorious 
than to build a new one.” (no. 381). There are many important letters of 
Madhavrao I, of Raghoba, of Nana Fadnis, of Sakharam Bapu 1 & others, 
which reveal several new facts. 

When Ramraja was supposed to be dying, Nana Fadnis urged him to 

1. Sakharam Bapu served under Peshwas Balaji Baji Rao aad Madhav Rao I. He was 
the chief organiser of the Barbhai Council which expelled Raghoba and installed Madhavrao 
Narayan in the Peshwaship. He was imprisoned for treason in 1779 and was removed to 
Raigad where he died on 2 August 1781. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , II, 194, 259, 
473. 478, 523, 550 ; III, 13, 14, 21, 27, 30-31, 39, 48, 59, 64, 85.) 


adopt a son. He stoutly refused & said he was young enough to have 
children. Thereupon Nana asked his Satara agent, Baburao Apte, to 
persuade the Raja through his favourite barber and offer bribes and inams 
to the barber to bring about the desired object. Baburao Apte thereupon 
wrote a strongly worded dignified protest to Nana, pointing out the levity 
to which Nana as a great statesman was exposing himself by gaining one’s 
aims through worthless menials. Baburao refused to carry out Nana’s 
project & the latter had to eat an humble pie. (No. 375). 

You probably know that it was generally believed that Nana F. was 
too intimate with the widow of the murdered Narayanrao ; & that some 
believed that her premature death on 12 July 1777 was due to an enforced 
abortion. A contemporary letter dated 18 August following, mentions a 
plot formed by some members of the court to arrest and imprison Nana 
on the ground of domestic sinful accusations (3>i£i 3TPWT — No 20). 

The popluar belief is supported in this letter. 

17. 6. 1939. 

Your carefully tied parcel of mangoes[J bread & sweets served a 
delicious meal with milk and rice which I bought on the way at 
Madhurpur. It was so kind of you to have attended f so carefully to the 
tying of the parcel, which kept it in a sound condition & the bread & 
butter lasted very well for this morning’s tea also at Benares Cant, 

Well, when the heart is full, the words are few & I could not say a 
good bye to you yesterday without a pang. If God wills we will, let us 
hope, achieve still more success in our historical studies. 

Powell Building Bombay 4 
2 July 1939. 

But the main reason for my coming here was the call of Rajendra 
Babu. I met him at leisure & he particularly appealed to me to persuade 
you to start the project of history & not drop it for want of funds. He 
called a meeting of a few merchant princes & in five minutes got together 
about Rs 15000. He has proposed to obtain 10 thousand more in Bombay, 
about 25000 in Calcutta a few more amounts from Karachi & other places. 
Jayachandra was present & is realizing the money & keep it in a bank* I 
enclose two reports from local papers. 



I very well know how your time is already booked & why you cannot 
bear this additional strain. There are however some other considerations 
which we must take into account. We all realize that no one except 
yourself can shoulder this huge undertaking. You have yourself in our 
Benares speech set down the qualifications of the person who undertakes 
this task : can India point today to any other scholar than yourself ? 
Under your guidance why may we not expect to achieve something that 
looks so huge today. Many young & old students will work under you : 
we shall establish such a bureau as we are long yearning for, now that 
the money is there for office expenses. It will be at least a year or two 
before actual contributions are received : during this period you will not 
be much bothered. The scheme will take about 10 years to complete : 
but even if we pass away without seeing the end, we shall have done what 
we could : & then the youngsters will take up the completion. 

Munslii & Kher were present when Rajendra Babu was explaining 
the object to the merchants. I wonder what Munshi thinks of Rajendra 
Babu’s move. That is however their concern. Jayachandra very likely 
will revert to Benares & will conduct there the preliminaries of the 
project. If he accepts Tikekar for a joint worker, I think the latter will 
be available. If the scheme is well handled, there are good prospects 
before it. In course of time an appeal will be made to the Universities 
& to the Indian States. Jayachandra is going to write to you separately 
& Babu Rajendra Prasad will meet you at Calcutta in a month s time. 

31 August 1939 

In this respect I strongly feel the necessity of us both conserving 
hereafter our time & energy to the utmost, so that we must not leave 
unfinished, before we depart from the world, those missions & calls which 
we alone can accomplish. I would therefore urge on you some lines of 
procedure. You can freely accept co-operation from me & others of your 
choice & leave things to us to be worked out under your guidance. You 
must not spend your time in doing jobs which others can do. Similarly 
you must have an environment at Calcutta free from domestic calls, 
which your sons & daughters can manage, so that all your time & labour 
can be utilised towards accomplishing the various tasks that lie before 

you, & of which we have taken enough note till now 

* * * 

My paper on Parmanand takes note only of his personal details & 
the circumstances of his life & work. . I do not enter into any discussion 


of the contents of his Shivabharat. This point I will deal separately on 
another occasion. He never uses the name faPWNcT for his work. He 
invariably calls it the ( = a supplementary Puran ) ^ST*^lT a ?^TcI I 

He never meant to imitate the great Bharat. ^Tcf tfftcJRT are words 

not used by qonsfc himself : you will note that the & the 

chapters on Sambhaji were also W 331 P 5 J and contained figures 102, 103 for 
the Adhyayas. The name was used by the scribe on the cover of 

the copy he made. As matters stand I believe to have been put 

to death by Aurangzeb as being the accomplice of Shivaji & his son 
continued & wrote the chapters. both style 

Shivaji a &c.) of the solar race). Shivaji secured the 

help of these two luminaries to strengthen his position against the clamour 
of the orthodox priests who reckoned him a Shudra. Anyway 
Parmanand does not seem to have returned to the Deccan. I don’t know 
how you view the affair. 

16. 12. ’39 

While at Darjiling I read in some English Magazine, owned by you 
if I remember right, a Mysore journal, an account of the atrocities 
committed agst the Hindus by Ranadulla Khan (accompanied by Shahji) 
during the years 1637-39 when temples were pulled down, images broken, 
cows slaughtered, women raped & an enormous amount of wealth was 
carried to Bijapur. I should like to have a copy of that account or a 
reference where I could obtain it. I think I copied it then, but somehow 

I have mislaid it The Nayak referred to was I think Virabhadra 

of Ikkeri. He then transferred his capital to Bednur 1 further south. If 
you can let me have the details, you will help me in my sore need. 

31 Dec. 1939 

Now that you are working on Shahji & Shivaji, it is essential we 
personally ransack the archives of Bangalore & Tanjore : I suppose your 
Bang[a]lore friend, the scientist will be able to make our way easy. Let 
us pay a quiet unannounced visit & satisfy our craving once for all. We 

1. Bednur was the capital of an independent principality of the same name. It is situated 
in Shimoga District of Mysore State. (Sarkar, Shivaji, 220 ; Short History of Aurangzib, 
295 ; Irk ferial Gazetteer of India , XIII, 400-401.) 



need not spend a long time : but we must be both together. Please 
intimate your plans to me in advance, so that I shall keep myself ready. 

Kamshet P. 

27. 2. 1940 

With the help of the Akbarats I have entirely reconstructed Balaji 
Vishvanath, & have formed quite a different estimate of Shahu. I hope 
to elucidate my fresh perspective in some magazine in the near future. I 
wish we could meet & discuss. Have you fresh sources for me for that 
period ? 

15 March 1940 

I have been reading the pages you have sent me describing Santaji 
Ghorpade’s fights, wherein I notice a certain amount of hesitation on 
your part — particularly in regard to Santaji being removed from his office 
of Senapati. Your f. note on p 235 is not correct. The words of Jedhe 
Shakavali, viz “vRTsfta TfTfl in 1693, do not mean that Dhanaji 1 was 

given that office & that Santaji was removed. I refer you to letter no. 68 
of P. D. Selection 31 — which is dated 27 Oct 1696 & which contains a 

definite statement— W *?U?fcqT qiqi^ft 4>fal 

Sumfe qnqqm So Santaji lost his fcmfe- 

ship in October 1696 & not so early as 1693, although he had long been 
overbearing & become odious to Rajaram. So Rajwade letters of vol. 15 
are perfectly correct 

no 45 mentions Santaji as Senapati on 23 May 1695. 
no 48 mentions Dhanaji as Senapati on 16 Oct 1696. 

I have noted these points on p. 544 of my new edition of tRT3l 
1 (or p. 82 of fcpffe U5IWR) 

1. Dhanaji Jadav was born about 1650. He first obtained service under Pratap Rao 
Gujar, the renowned Commander-in-Chief of Shivaji and soon rose to independent command 
by his military efficiency. He won laurels of victory and died in 1708 at Wadgaon. (Sarkar, 
House of Shivaji, 215-239 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marat1}a§ 9 I f 230-248, 321, 329 f 
332, 341, ?54. 361 ; II, }5, 17.) .* 



24 March 1940. 

I am returning Rajwade’s life with a few corrections. The Mandal 
was founded on 7 July 1910 : Rajwade was born at Varsai, a small village 
below the Ghats not far from Karjat, where the railway begins to ascend 
the Ghats. There are so many Wadgaons near about Poona, that I am 
unable to locate the one at wh Rajwade learned his Marathi alphabets. 
But I am sure it is not the railway station Wadgaon hear here. 

I have already posted for you a note on Raj wade’s last days at Dhulia 
where his two friends G. K. Chandorkar & B. V. Bhat looked after him. 

If I were you, I would drop the gossip about Rajwade seeking a mate 
in his advanced age. It is terribly ranckling even now in the Maratha 
heart & does not in my opinion, ennoble your critical estimate of his life 
& worth. In this connection you have not mentioned one phase of 
Rajw<ide’s character : he was a coward of first[-]rate quality & particularly 
timid even in ordinary matters. Pesticencial [pestilential] diseases, chance 
of accidents, nature’s fury & even ordinary discomforts overcame him to an 
unimaginable degree. His scrupulous regard for cleanliness in food arose 
more from fear of death than from a principle of life. I describe my own 

Early in June 1924 he unexpectedly came to see me at Kamshet one 
morning with Rs 500 cash & asked me to build for him within three days 
a small tin hut near our own -the present Shri Bhau’s kitchen, where we 
then lived — Bhau’s & other houses did not then exist. Rajwade was so 
insistent about his new hut, that he would talk of nothing else. I said, 
have your bath, let us have a breakfast together & we will then think of 
the hut : but in any case I said the hut cannot be ready within three days. 
In the first place Bhau the owner must permit, then the materials, the 
timber & the tins in particular will have to come from Bombay & even if 
we wired, the trains would not deliver these things in less than a week. 

I said I would do my best & write to my brother. It was then about 

II o’clock. We together went to the river, had a swim, returned; ate a 
meal & rested. As fate would have it a dust storm started about 2 o’clock 
in the afternoon followed by furious showers of rain & hail & such a strong 
wind that there was not a dry spot left in the whole hut : it was the first 
burst of the Monsoon & the tins on the top, it seemed wd. be blown away by 
the wind, causing serious injury. The storm abated towards evening, but 
scorpions, crabs* & even snakes began tb crawl about for shelter. Rajwade 
god terribly afraid of life & practically benumbed piteously begged that he 
shd. be v helped to escape the storm. But we could do nothing. Rajwade 



huddled himself in a blanket in a corner on the floor, did not eat in the 
evening : we were all more or less discomfortable & managed to rest for 
the night. As I got up early morning about 5 o’clock I found Rajwade 
had disappeared already without even mentioning that he was going away. 
I was not a little relieved by this result, as I was thinking how to extricate 
myself from the predicament of an unwelcome neighbour in a colony 
which had not then grown. The loss of Kamshet proved the gain of 
Dhulia. Providence alone saved me ! 

Every friend of Rajwade has one kind of experience or another about 
his timidity. He was as weak of nerve as he was pungent in language. 
One cannot have a better contrast between words & deeds. If you like you 
can substitute this anecdote for the scandal of his last days. If Rajwade 
had possessed Tilak’s nerve, he would probably have beaten the latter 
even in politics. 

I have nothing more to write today. I have accepted an engagement 
for a lecture at Amraoti (Berar) on 10 April. 

Kamshet P. 

8 Apr 1940 

The Peshwa Bajirao I find visited the kings of Udepur & Jaipur 
twice once in 1729 July or so & again during the cold season of 1735-36. 
His mother lived at Jaipur for 3 months Aug-Oct 1735. He impressed 
upon these kings the need of co-operation bet. the Marathas & the 
Rajputs & tried to gain his object without actually displacing the emperor. 
Now thart I am working on Bajirao I am developing the subject of 
rapproachement [rapprochement] bet. the south and the north. 

Kamshet P. 

26. 4. 1940 

I shbuld like to have the exact reference & the quotation of the 
original words, if possible, containing the warning that Shah Jahan had 
given to Aurangzeb to keep a careful watch on the activities of Shahji 
& his son Shivaji. This warning was given as I believe when the 
Emperor returned to the north in 1636, appointing Aurangzeb as the 
Subhedar of the Deccan. 



Kamshet P. 

Dist Poona 
8 June 1940 

I have any number of letters in Raj. vol. 8, Sardesai family papers, 
& other old papers mentioning Santaji Ghorpade as Senapati between 
1692-1694 : your last correction note is anything but satisfactory. 

24 June 1940 

The Raja of Sandur has been long pressing me to have a history 
of all the Ghorpades properly prepared. I said you & I would 
guide but could not undertake to do the work myself. I saw him in 
Bombay last month & have found out for him a competent man to do the 
work — one Dr. Pawar, who is professor of history at Kolhapur a foreign 
trained young enthusiast who came & worked in May here & at the A. O. 
& is wholeheartedly helping in the P. D. revision work. He has also 
discovered a lot more historical correspondence on Shahu & Tarabai at 
the A. O. & in some private families. I have advised him to explore 
Kapsi, Nesri, Nipani 1 & other places. There is a lot about Murarrao 
Ghorpade® in the Madras records where he wishes to go & study on the 
spot. He needs guidance. Kindly let me have a short note on the 
sources of the Ghorpade history, French, Persian & others & the way he 
should set about the work. You must have noticed my article on the 
Ghorpades in April Mod. Review. Please attend to this request quickly. 
He must also handle the Mudhol firmans. 


26 July 1940 

Two days ago the Maharaja of Panna, 8 a descendant of Chhatrasal, 
called me to Bombay for a visit. He is erecting a memorial for Chhatrasal 

1* Nipani is a town in the Belgaum District, Bombay. It is 40 miles north of the 
Belgaum town. (Imperial Gazetteer of India , X, 336.) 

2. Murarrao Ghorpare of Gatti was the vassal of the Marathas and the grandson of the 
renowned Maratha general, Santaji Ghorpare. Early in 1776 Hyder Ali razed Gatti to the 
ground and forced him to surrender. He was tortured and cast into prison where he sighed 
out the remaining years of his life. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, II, 87, 88, 90, 
92, 255, 257, 308, 329, 488, 490, III, 39, 64, 130-31.) 

3. Panna was a prince’s state in Bundelkhand situated on the table-lands above the 
Vindhyan Ghats and was formerly known for its diamond mines. The ruling chief of Panna 
'during early British period was one of the sons of the famous Maharaja Chhatrasal Bundela, 

(Imperial Gaz etteer of India, XI, 48-56.) 

Sardes ai-$arkar correspondence 


& desired that you & I should attend the function next winter & enlighten 
him & the public in the correct history of his state. I said I will try. 
The Maharaja said he had a lot of old papers Hindi & Persian & possibly 
a few Marathi which he would like to be explored. Do you think it 
worth while going there ? 

* * * 

Your note on the history of the Ghorpades was highly serviceable to 
Dr. Pawar who is immensely grateful to you for your help. 



I remember having read your beautiful analysis of the movements of 
Nizam-uhmulk & Bajirao during the Palkhed campaign Novr. 1727 —Feb 
1728. I also remember you explained to me the exact position of Palkhed 
with pointed reference to Bajirao’s strategy in encircling Nizam in a 
critical situation. Can you tell me where you have written about this ? 
I fail to find the exact source. It is not in your Fall of the Mughal 
Empire . Irvine has skipped the episode. 

* * * 

Why is Hamid Khan uncle of Nizam-ul-mulk in Gujarat styled 
Jangli Shahazade by Siyarmutakherin & others ? 

20. 8. 40 

A small English book, History of the Nawabs of Banda, printed at 
Indore in 1892 with a full genealogy, mentions Mastani as the illegitimate 
daughter of Chhatrasal himself. Do you know of any contemporary source 
to confirm or disprove this statement. 

29. 10. 1940. 

I have written to Dattagir & shall arrange our winter tour after I hear 
from him. I am personally more inclined to visit Tanjore. A valued 
friend who recently visited me here told me of his having recently seen 
lots of old Marathi papers & pictures of historical interest in some old 
Deccani families at Tanjore. I am developing the subject & will be able 
to speak to you more definitely in course of time. 


Kamshet P. 

2 November 1940. 

On p. 236 of his second volume of Maratha History Kincaid gives in 
an appendix an English version of an original Persian letter addressed by 
Nadir Shah to the Peshwa Bajirao I. The exact date is also given & there 
is no doubt that the letter is genuine. It is nowhere printed in Marathi 
& is one of those important ones which the old Parasnis studiously kept 
back from public use. As the letter is important I wish to quote it in my 
account of that Peshwa. I wonder if you can discover the original any- 
where else whether you have already noticed it 

* * * 

Bharati Krishna maintains that the first Shankaracharya flourished 
about the time of Christ & not in the 8th century. This point we must be 
able to argue with him. I am sure you will come prepared for a discussion. 
We might invite Prof. Kane & one or two others from Bombay for that 
subject. Dattagir is very keen on this subject as you already know. 

12 Novr. 1940 , 

I am getting encouraging response for our Tanjore visit. An old 
Maharastrian writes in a Marathi letter in reply to my query that here & 
there some families have Marathi papers, but none of them know how old 
they are & what worth they have. He invites us both to visit the place. 
Profr. C. S. Srinivasachari of the Annamalai Univ. only a few miles from 
Tanjore writes to say that he will arrange everything for us & that he will 
himself join when required. The Tanjore gentleman writes that the 
Tanjore district has many Dec. families whom we should visit. I cannot 
say how many days we shd, reserve for Tanjore. But much will depend 
upon the success we will obtain. We have on hand only about 10 clear 
days 7 — 17 Dec & we will make the best of our time between Bangalore & 
Tanjore, leaving Bombay on the night of the 6th Dec, direct for Madras & 
take Bangalore on the way back. I don’t mind which route we take. 


9. 2. 1941 

You mention Santaji Sarlaskar being a deserter from Shahu. He is 
Su,ltanji Nimbalkar 1 son of Haibatrao, who was deprived of his office by 
Shahu in 1727. There is none of the name Santaji. 

1. Sultanji Nimbalkar was Shahu’s Sar«e*Lashkar. He deserted to the Nizam In 1726, 
(§ardesai, New History of the Marathas , II, 73, 144, f .n.) 


32 $ 

[ Place not given ] 

13. 2. 1941 

Two points to be cleared (1) where & when did Jai Singh & Bajirao 
meet ? 

(1) “From Udepur the Peshwa marched to Jahajpur and Jai Singh 

hastened to meet him ; they met at Bhambholao near Kisangarh (Feb. 15. 
1736)”, — Malu>a-in-Trans. Kisangarh is 18 miles n. of Ajmere — what is 
the exact position of Jahajpur & Bhambholao ? pt 1, 

p 63, writes 3Tiq^l qq ^ ^ snsff. Manoharpur is 

about 20 m. north of Jaipur & about 10 m. s. e. of Madhupur. 1 So what 
is the exact place of the meeting ? 

(2) They met on 4 March 1736— this is clear from 

p. 322 of P. D. vol. 30 — Bajirao wrote to Palaji [ Pilaji ] Jadhav from 
on 2 (5 March). The meeting lasted for several days — so it is clear 

they met at But why shd. Brjirao go from Nathdwar so far 

north, to meet Jai Singh ? 

Evidently the dates given in Fall of the M. E. vol. I 263 and in 
Malwa-in-T rans. (p 241), i.e. 15 Feb &c are wrong. The Vansh-Bhaskar 
is gossipy & cannot be relied upon in preference to the Peshwa’s Diaries. 

There are inaccuracies in Fall—iv 267) Pilaji Jadhav was not with 
Bajirao in 1736— he was at Satara. The indecorum of Bajirao puffing his 
hukka in an open Darbar into Jai Singh’s face, is unthinkable & is a mere 
bazar gup. 

19. 3. 1941 

Much new light has been discovered about the striking cultural 
exchange bet Maharastra & the north, & the close friendship between 
Sawai Jai Singh & Shahu both practically of the same age & lived in the 
Emperor’s Camp in the Deccan bet. 1668-1707. If ycu have the date of 
Jai Singh’s birth, please let me have it. I will write a separate paper on 
the subject. 

1. Madhupur or Madhopur is 43 miles north of Jaipur in Rajasthan. ( Imptrial Ga**ttser 
of India, VIII, 542.) 


1. 5. 1941 

I have received Babu Rajendra Prasad’s letter asking my confirma- 
tion of the contract about the history work. I am glad that the work has 
now been earnestly started & all credit is due to you. Let us hope we 
shall succeed as we deserve under the present deplorable conditions of 
life. So far as I am concerned I would like to tell you what I think 
about my own contribution to this subject. In a few days I complete 76 
& must now seriourly prepare for the final journey. I am most anxious 
to rewrite my Riyasat vols. 1707-61 & print them before I undertake 
anything else. I have reached the year 1745 & the remaining period is 
most complicated. I would therefore beg you to try & find out some 
younger man who could do the job of my portion of the Indian history 
project & when the matter is put into shape, I will gladly revise it & 
offer my own revision gratis. The man may do the work for the 
remuneration that is offered. I do not want it 

17. 5. 1941 

The war of 1817-18, so far as Elphinstone’s Residency is concerned, is 
quite a small affair, unlike the war of 1803, when the Pindharis operations, 
the Nagpur & the Mahidpur 1 battles have to be rigidly excluded. That is 
why I have designated the year 1816 as one of Trimbakji’s insurrection ; 
& 1818 as of Bajirao’s pursuit & surrender ; the war being confined to 

Kamshet P., Dt. Poona. 
28 June 1941 

I have read your introduction to the vol. of Sindia Papers P. R. 
Corresp. 1794-1802. It is an excellent piece of literary & historical 
acumen. The copy was sent me by the Maharaj Kumar. Why not 
delit [delete] the last lines on p. 2, 1 mean the sentence “the history of 
the country during the century & a quarter beginning with the year 1818 
proves that it has not been a vain hope.” You are not writing a history 

of the British regime. The omission makes no damage. 

* * * 

To the list of deaths of prominent Maratha Sardars you can add on 

1. Mahidpur is a village in the Indore District of Madhya Pradesh. (Raghuvir Sinh, 
Halva in Transition, 277.) 



p. 3 Haripant Pbadke died on 20 June 1794 and Parashuram Bh. 
Patwardhan 17 Septr 1799[.] 

7. 7. 1941 

If I am fit enough & can spare the time I will try to join you for 
Panipat in August 

14 August 1941 

I do intend going to Mysore, as I have not moved out this year 
anywhere. I have a mind to visit Madras & spend some time in the 
Mackenzie Collection. I wonder if I can combine it with our Mysore 
tour. What would you suggest by way of a profitable excursion for us 
from Dec. 10 when you say you can come here. 

30ctr. 1941. 

While at Bombay I read in the B’bay Govt. Gazette a resolution of 
the Govt, of India reconstituting the H. R. C & its functions. It seemed 
to me that this important change had been effected without your know- 
ledge or consultation & that too much centralization had been effected, 
the Secretary of the Commission alone bossing everything, since the 
Ex-Officio President is not supposed to understand the intricacies of the 
situation. Kindly let me know what you think of it. 

P. Kamshet, 

6 Nov, 1941 

I think I wrote to you from Bombay that I was not pleased with the 
reconstruction of the H. R. C & suspected some sinister hand. You will 
be right in washing your hand off it, if Govt, do not recognise the selfless 
services which you have rendered during 22 yrs. I am sure they cannot 
dispense with you. If you don’t go to Mysore, I will drop my journey too. 
Let us await the developments. 

Kamshet P 
3. 12. 1941. 

Kindly inform me if you have been able to form any programme of 
your winter tout fi; if so when you c?n be expected here or in Berar, 



Please communicate all details worth my knowing about your present 
work & occupation. 

. 5 Dec 1941. 

Yesterday I received my copy of the *T., No. 2 of the year 22. Please 
notice on the last page cover Potdar’s declaration on the subject of the 
reconstruction of the H. R. C. Joshi has already been deputed to Delhi 
to help Sen edit & publish Marathi documents of the Imp. Records. They 
have planned to drop you out. I wonder what the present position is. 
Can you not expose the fraudulent manoeuvres of Sen Potdar through 
N. R. Sarkar. It was I think Sargent who played into Sen’s hands. The 
plan seems to have been deep laid for the last two years. We can certainly 
very well afford to laugh & remain quiet, having already accomplished our 
life’s ambitions. Please send me as much literature on this subject as you 
may be possessing, published in the press. Friends tell me much has been 
discussed in public press : but I don’t see the papers & don’t waste my 
time on them. Please remove my worries. How could the Govt, impose 
a constitution suddenly upon this learned body without consulting them ? 

19 Dec 1941 

The war seems to be approaching your doois rapidly & it is doubtful 
if we can carry out our usual tour. I am inclined to give it up for the 
present. The Hydarabad people pressed me to attend the History 
Congress & I have declined to do so. Similarly, if you give up the Mysore 
session also, we shall not think of a journey in Jan. & put it off to some 
better suited occasion in the future. I am not sure how you stand in the 
new constitution of the H. R. C. I am however inclined to hope that 
your absence will be more telling. Kindly tell me immediately what you 
would like to do. You can put off Balapur for the present. 

Kamshet P Dt. Poona 
3 January 1942 

As we are not going to meet in the near future, I feel awfully 
handicapped in my work. Not only do our annual visits give a fresh 
inspiration for further results, but to me they are vitally necessary. I 
have just finished my revision of the Riyasat vols for 1707-61 & am taking 
* up something new. An exchange of views with you at such a break would 
have bfeen of immense advantage to me at this time. I am anxious to 



start my portion of the Benares history project, & if possible to combine 
this with my long cherished dream of rendering all the Marathi Riyasat 
into English. Two years in my opinion shd. suffice for such an under- 
taking. I wonder if you can guide me by a few hints how I shd. proceed & 
which portion I shd. tackle first — I am inclined to take up this very period 
first 1707-1761, as it is fresh & is probably worth doing. If I had the 
chance, I would have liked to do this work in your company at Calcutta 
for a month or two in at least the initial stages. Had it not been for the 
troubles of the journey, I would at once have run to you & started my 
work. As things are the only course left to me is seek your guidance 
through letters. Is there a prospect of our meeting in February or 
March ? Do we give up Madras ? Oh the war is an enigma for all. 

Kamshet P. Dt. Poona 
30 Jan 1942 

Every day brings the war nearer to India’s shores & I can easily 
realize the consternation you all mut be feeling at Calcutta. But an inner 
voice tells me that you & I would escape all trouble & be allowed to 
peacefully follow our avocations. At any rate it is best to act upon this 
confidence & go on unperturbed. 

* * * 

I had been to Bombay last week to meet Nawab Ali Yavar Jang 
(Profr. Ali Yar Khan) the present constitutional Secretary of Haidarabad 
& I believe the next rising star of that state. Mr. Mavlankar happened to 
be in Bombay & we had together frank talks on the Hindu Moslem 
question. The Nawab personally is opposed to Pakistan, as you must 
have noticed from the speech he made at the History Congress of which 
he has posted you a Copy. The dominant note of his thesis is the unity of 
India & I have complimented him on this bold utterance. They now feel 
that we Marathas have stolen a march over them in historical research & 
now the Nizam’s Govt, are waking up to their needs. Mr. Kurshid Ali is 
retired & this Jang Bahadur invited my co-operation in writing or 
preparing the ground for the history of the Nizam State. I said I could 
not do much personally but would cordially help if he could depute a 
suitable person to take notes at my library. So one Mr. Joshi M.A. from 
their service has been asked to work here for three months : & this man is 
coming here on 1st Feb. I hope you like the idea. The Nawab also told 
me of the Nizam’s Govt, having acquired legal powers to take forcible 
possession of private papers of historical value. They have already 
acquired one such collection in which the Nawab assures me there is a 



large stock of old Modi papers. I have offered to go & inspect it at some 
convenient time, probably after this next summer. So you & I can get 
facilities now in Hydarabad for our study. Ali Yavar Jang feels highest 
respect for you & knows how we are working. He is happy over Shafaat 
Ahmad having been shunted away. 

Kamshet P, Dt. Poona 
25 Feb 1942 

I think it is long since you should have had my letter to which I 
expected a reply. Present times & world developments necessitate an 
exchange of heartful thoughts & more than a year has passed, since we 
met & it seems ages have passed between then and now. I have a pre- 
sentiment, may be foolish, that you & I are not coming to any harm, 
whatever the troubles outside may be. At any rate it is best to act on this 

P. Kamshet 
30. 8. 42 

Hary Pandit is doubtless Haripant Phadke, Nana Fadnis’s right hand 
man. Mahadji died on 12. 2. 1794 and Haripant died on 20 June following. 
Nana certainly means Nana Fadnis. Daulatrao obtained formal succession 
to Mahadji’s estate only when he conferred on Nana his own Fadnisi in 
addition to that of Peshwa, wh. he already held. Baloo Mirza appears to 
be Baloba Tatya Pagnis. Mahadji was found of using imperial terms for 
his own officers He had a great predilection for the Muslim religion 
too. But I have not found any reference to the title Mirza having been 
used for Baloba Tatya 

Kamshet P., Dt. Poona, 
15. 12. 1942. 

On p. 166 of your Aurangzeb vol. V you say that fort Satara fell on 
21 April 1700, while p. 67) gives ^ go ^ *r% 

6622 which corresponds to 21 March & not 21 April. Can you kindly 
verify the dates & say which is correct or is there a printing mistake, one 
month exactly ? 

Kamshet P., Dt. Poona, 
9. 1. 43. 

, This week I attended the Silver Jubilee Celebrations of the 
Bhandatkar Institute, Poona $ was the guest of Dr, BelyaJ&er along with 

sardesai-Sarkar correspondence 


Dr. Radhakrishnan. I made his acquaintance & had a chat with him. I also 
met many other gentlemen & scholars and greatly relieved the monotony 
of my seclusion at Kamshet. I visited the Servants of India Society, where 
I think we stayed together in 1925. The Society is in distress for want of 
funds. One student of the Society is working on the past history of 
Poona & its environs. He was working on Bussy’s campaign & I gave 
him your paper containing translation of a French acct. of that campaign. 
He would like to consult the original French, if you possess a copy & if 
you can conveniently spare it for a few days. Kindly let me know. 

22 Jan 1943 

I wonder if you can suggest to me a kind of guide or help in expand- 
ing one’s vocabulary of English, some model of the type of Roger’s 
Treasures. That is probably too old now. I am writing my English 
chapters and find myself much hampered by the difficulty of choosing 
appropriate words. Sir Richard Temple’s writings strike me as splendid 
particularly in point of happy phraseology. Me Mordie was common in my 
school days but I am sure there are now heaps of such aids available. I 
have the Oxford dictionary by me, but that is not of much use. You must 
know of many useful hints which can help me in my trial. If you post me 
any suitable book at once I shall feel grateful. 


19 Feby 1943 

I have had your last letter some time ago, and thank you for the 
useful sqggestions you have given me about English composition. 



My wife Mat expired here this morning at 8.15. About ten days ago 
I went to Poona for reading my English m.s. of Maratha History with some 
friends of the Fergusson College and to embody in it the various points of 
latest research which I might have overlooked. Two days after my 
departure, Mai got fever here rising to about 102° which was considered to 
be of an ordinary type. Bhau and some Doctors saw her last Monday and 
proper treatment was given. His brother Tatya who was in Poona, came 
and stayed with her for a few days. As the fever persisted without 
remission, weakness set in and I was asked to come back. I arrived* 


jadunaTh SaRi£ar Commemoration volume 

yesterday noon and found the patient’s expression not very satisfactory. 
But, I hardly thought the end was so near. This morning at 7 o’clock, she 
asked for tea, which I gave her with my own hands and I took a cup myself 
as usual. She even spoke a few words. Within an hour the pulse stopped 
and all was over. So, she has gone the common way which is destined for 
all of us, after giving me company for 60 years and completing 70 years of 
life. I hope she & I will have a common resting place soon together. All 
my life’s work has been due to the devotion with which she served me. 
She is resting in final peace now. 

4. 5. 43. 

Your own letters to me all of which I have carefully preserved, are 
valuable in so far as they record a complete account of historical research 
in Maharashtra during the last 30 years and as you have doubtless preserved 
my letters the two collections together will form a guide to future workers 
if a selection could be published, when easy times come dealing with the 
various problems of research the difficulties that were encountered & 
overcome. I was dreaming of doing this work sometime myself, but both 
my health & the present dire conditions due to war damp all my enthusiasm. 
Can you suggest a way ? 

* * * 

This seems our colony has lost half its charm due to scarcity of 
water — leave aside other supplies which are equally difficult to be 
obtained. We all go for a dip in the Indrayani 1 — which is the only enjoy- 
ment of its kind. 

Post Kamshet Dist. Poona, 
7 July 1943 

You have already had a little foretaste of the chapters I began to 
write and by now I have completed my task from 1600-1750, and am 
proceeding rapidly with the subsequent period. But as I have already 
explained to you, I have not yet fully comprehended the compartmental 
scheme of Benares wherein I have to fit in. It has long been my life’s 
dream to present in an English garb my lifelong studies which have 
remained confined to Marathi. A complete history of the Marathas based 
on the vast materials now available has been a crying need : and while 
you have dealt with the same subject pretty fully in your "FaZZ of the 

1. Indrayani is a stream in the Poona District on the bank of which stands Kamshet the 
hermitage of G. S. Sardesai. 



Mughal Empire” " Kurangzeb," and “Skivaji and his Times ” your angle 
of vision is not the same as mine. I started entirely from the point of 
view of the Marathas as an independent entity. I have all along realized 
that my advancing age and declining powers, particularly since my wife’s 
death last Feb., are great drawbacks in the gigantic task of writing a 
comprehensive history of the Marathas ; and more than once I asked you 
to suggest to me some co-adjutor who could co-operate with me in complet- 
ing the project. I asked Dighe about this, but his present job with not 
very robust health and his increasing family, hardly left him any spare 
time and energy. Fortunately however I was able to secure the co-opera- 
tion of a young learned scholar, Profr. S. R. Sharma, of the Fergusson 
College, whom you already know, who is already an author of repute 
knowing the needs of students and who happily is easily available to me 
for frequent personal consultation. We have both advanced in our work, 
have secured a publisher even in these hard times and hope to bring out 
our first half of the Maratha History in a few months’ time. Personally 
I have grown very impatient about finishing this work and cannot afford 
to wait for the atmosphere being cleared for the Congress scheme to be 
completed. Just at this moment, all Congress undertakings are tabood : 
nor will ray present treatment of the subject fit in with the scheme of 
vols and sections planned by the Benares project. The latter cannot make 
room for a comprehensive Maratha history that I am writing. 

Kamshet P. Dt Poona 
15 July 1943. 

Two important letters already published in Marathi escaped my 
attention and yours too ( Fall of the Mughal Empire II p. 76 f. n.) 
Chandraehud Daftar iPub 1920) Vol. 1 no 49 and a second part of this 
printed by Dongre of 'Gwalior letter no 4 — are two letters written by 
Tukoji Holkar to Malharrao some time in 1759 in which he says that he 
and Sabaji Sinde 1 reached Peshawar stayed there for some time, captured 
Attock & collected revenue for all the territory between Lahore & 
Attock- Of course the Marathas did not possess Attock for more than 
4 to 6 months. Abdali’s general Jahan Khan attacked them and they 
retired to Lahore from Peshawar about Aug 1759 : Jahan Khan was 
defeated— his son was killed near Lahore and then Abdali came upon the 
Marathas furiously in Oct 1759. Tukoji Holkar’s main complaint is that 

!• Sabaji Sindhia, the Maratha captain, was the principal helpmate of Raghnnathrao 
in extending the Maratha arms to Attock. (Sardesai, N«w History of th* Marathas, il 400, 
404 . 408 , 411 .) 



Sabaji alone took all the revenue collected and did not pay him anything. 
Two Akbarats at the Mandal from the Parasnis Collection confirm this 
tale. They are in Persian & not yet printed. 

* * * 

Do not believe the exaggerated tales about the Vaidya Daftar. I 
have seen the whole Daftar several times these two years at Poona. The 
owner Vaidya comes to me here too. Dighe and I practically studied the 
whole. Out of a heap of recent rumals, we picked up about 50 — 100 
papers foe the pre-Panipat period — the Daftar has nothing for the succeed- 
ing period, as the family lost its importance after Shahu who had patroni- 
zed them. I have taken copies of some important 50 letters bearing on 
Raghuji Bhosle’s Bengal expeditions, the Angre affair and the last 
days of Shahu. The Vaidyas were three brothers, acted as agents to 
several Maratha leaders, and carried on a lucrative banking business. They 
acted as Raghuji’s agents at Satara. The present Vaidya goes on bragging 
that he possesses more than a thousand papers. Why they may be 5 
thousand but absolutely rubbish for history. Vaidya family would certain- 
ly prize them as their personal legacy. They fell out of favour with the 
Peshwas after Shahu’s death and began howling for the loss of their 
importance. I can give you copies of the papers I and Dighe have made 
I offered to edit them. But the owner wants all this rubbish to be printed 
at some body else’s expense. I spent days at his place in Poona these two 
years & have carefully taken note of everything valuable. Only one letter 
mentions Chanda Saheb having been brought prisoner. The owner considers 
that Chanda Saheb was taken to Nagpur by Raghuji Bhosle (1741—1747) : 
I doubt this & fully believe that he was all the while kept at Satara. In 
order to increase his importance & possibly get some money he wrote long 
tales to Lehureaux. I have utilized all the letters for my fresh ed. of the 
Peshwa Balajirao. That is enough for history. 

There is another similar Daftar called the Akolner Jagir Daftar, 
surnamed Kales. Their ancestor Ramaji Anant was the Sindia's Dewan 
from 1750-61 and was killed at Panipat as Nana Fadnis mentions in his 
autobiography. Just as the Vaidya Papers throw some important fresh 
light on Raghuji and Bengal, so these Kale papers elucidate several 
northern affairs particularly Jayappa’s 1 expedition into Marwar and his 
murder. I and Dighe examined this Daftar also and took copies of those 

1. Jayapa Sindhia was the son of Ranoji Sindhia and became the head of the family 
after his father’s death in July 1745. He was a brave soldier and was murdered by a Rathor 
•envoy of Raja Bijay Singh on 25 July 1755 at Nagor. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas. 
Jl, 233. 235. 238-39, 361, 365, 375, 377, 383-S4 ; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Bmfire, II, 174-82) 



which are important. Both the affairs are being managed by the Mandal 
at Poona & I have no wish to interfere. It is enough I have copies in my 
possession wh. I can give you any time. 

Kamshet P. Dt. Poona 
28 August 1943. 

Last week Nawab Aliyavar Jung Bahadur of Haidarabad was in 
Bombay and I met him by appointment. He is organising a history office 
in Haidarabad and wished me to go and stay there for a few months to set 
it in order. I said I am not going to sell myself for any job now in life ; 
but as he pressed me I have agreed to spend a few days there in November, 
at most a month & do what I can to help the project on. Aliyavar Jung 
is now transferred to a Dept, in which Education is included. Till now 
he said he was not directly responsible for history. He declared Kurshid 
Ali went on wrong lines and did no useful work. There are heaps of 
Marathi papers he said which have to be looked into and that he would 
now throw everything open to me. He had nothing to conceal — and that 
was now the view of that Govt. also. I have committed myself to nothing 
and told him to write me officially & I would give a considered reply. I 
procured for him three sets of P. D. S. at Rs. 80 each from the Govt. 
Press. I welcome this project simply because it will give me a chance to 
break my solitary monotony of life. Aliyavar Jung spoke highly of your 
researches & will I am sure unreservedly show you everything Persian 
also. He was earnest about securing outside scholarship. 

As re the Attock controversy, the latest issue of the Mandal 
Quarterly has discussed the point in English, wh I am sure you have seen. 
Let me kindly have your considered opinion after studying the evidence. 
If you hjive not received the issue, I will post you one. I have written to 
Hari Ram Gupta also. 

Kamshet P. 
19 Oct 1943. 

Dr. Pawar of Kolhapur is just now my guest here and is working at 
the A.O. papers hunting out further information about the Ghorpades. 
He brought to my notice an important letter by Parashuram Trimbak, 1 

1. Parashuram Trimbak, a Brahman by caste, was a hereditary Kulkarni of Kinneya. 
He served creditably as the chief revenue officer of the Maratha Government and rose to 
the high post of Pratinidhi or Agent under Tarabai in 1701 by sheer dint of his ability, 
efficiency and honest service. He died in 1720. (Sarkar, House of Shiva ji t 240, 242 j Short m 
History of Aurangzib, 304, 336, 337-38, 343 ; History of Aurangzib, V, 201.) •* 



dated 22 Deer. 1699, addressed to a Maratha Sardar with a view to prevent 
Aurangzeb from capturing Satara and raiding the imperial camp at 
Brahmapuri. 1 * III, The letter gives several graphic details of Maratha heroism 
& is printed in the third of the large vols. issued by Bala Saheb Pratinidhi 
of Aundh, on p. 451. A few letters picked up from the Poona Daftar are 
printed by the Pratinidhi in that vol. in supplement no 5 on pp. 437-464. 
I suppose you have the vol. "in your library. The three vols. were 
presented to us together when we visited Aundh last. I draw your 
attention to this letter as it will considerably enliven your account in 
Aurangzeb V on the siege and capture of Satara. 

Kamshet P, Dt. Poona 
31 Octr 1943. 

I have dissolved my collaboration with Profr. Sharma in the 
preparation of my Maratha History in English as I found we radically 
differed in our outlooks, Sharma caring only to produce a class book that 
he could impose upon his pupils like his books on the Mughal History. 

* * * 

A third scheme of Indian History has now been put forth in 
competition with the two already announced from Allahabad and Benares. 
This third is sponsored by Mr. K. M. Munshi and his Bharatiya Vidya 
Bhavan in Bombay. So now with three such grand schemes, the Indian 
nation will surely have a golden future soon !! 

. * * * 

Can you kindly mention to me one or two source books for the 
history of Maharastra during the two centuries preceding the rise of 
Shivaji (1400-1600). Is there any latest research on this subject after 
what you write in your Shivaji ? 

I find no reference to Kumar Vikram being the name of Daulatrao or 
even Kesarbai. Sidhoji is the name of one of two sons of Balabai, Mahadji’s 
daughter married to Ladoji Sitole. 1 Laksbman was the younger son. 

1. Brahmpuri is situated on the southern bank of the Bhima and was renamed as 
Islampuri. It is near Pandharpur in Bombay. (Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzib, 298 ; 
Sarde^ai, New History of the Marathas , I, 325.) 

2* Ladoji Sitole was Mahadji Sindhia’s son-in-law and was appointed by Mahadji the 
Maratha Resident at Delhi in August 1786. He was timid and he Q itating and fled from the 
capital in August 1787 when he heard Mahadji’s repulse at Lalsot. He died in April 1794. 
#(Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , IV, 51, 215-19 ; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 

III, 147, fc>5, 162, 165.) 



Marathi Papers mention 9 wives of Mahadji, which I have described on 
p 410 of my U itar Vibhag Vol. 2 (1784 — 95). Kesarbai may be the 
maternal name of one of the ladies, as among Maharastrians every lady has 
two names. The last moments and the whole illness of Mahadji have been 
graphically narrated by a writer on the spot and I have quoted his letter 
in full on pp 407-408. I think this letter deserves to be quoted in his life. 
There was a scandal about Bhagirathibai, Mahadji’s wife being attached to 
Daulatrao during the period when the other two Yamuna and Lakshmi 
waged an open war with him. This illicit love was the origin of the 



19. 11. 1943 

I have reconstructed the early life of Mahadji Sindia, I mean 1761 to 
1768 — i.e. the period he appears into the north Indian stage handling 
imperial affairs. There is plentiful material in Marathi which has not 
been so far worked into by any body— i.e. P.D. Selections, Raj. Vol. 13 
full of Mahadji — first 61. letters — mostly his own : they have remained 
unnoticed by students so long, because badly presented ; the Peshwas’ 
Diaries, vols. of Madhavrao I and the volume of Khare. 

There is nothing striking in this period of Mahadji’s career. He 
was oscillating between the two opponents the Peshwa and his uncle. 
How he came out successfully through the terrible difficulties and built 
his career later, relying mainly on his own single nerve and resources is 
well exam plied [ spelling verified ] in this his early career. If you like I 
would prepare a paper in English and send it to you for being published in 
a suitable magazine. He had two mothers and three sisters-in-laws living- 
wives of Jayapa, Dattaji and Jyotiba 1 all these ladies constantly intrigued. 
He was perfectly loyal both to the Peshwa & his uncle and took no part 
in their mutual squabbles. I have just completed this chapter in Marathi 
for my “ Madhavrao I" revised edition. 

1. Jotiba Sindhia was the son of Ranoji Sindhia. He was assassinated in his camp by 
Birsinh Dev of Orchha in November 1742. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas. II, 
230, 233.) 



3 Dec 1943. 

In my sketch of Mahadji’s early career, I shd. have mentioned how 
he closely watched the operations of Jawahar Singh JatV armies creating 
havoc in Bundel Khand : they were drilled by Rene Madec* and Samru.* 
Mahadji closely watched these tactics during 1767 and 1768 and made up 
his mind to go in for western discipline, although he [it] took him long 
before he employed De Boigne. Kindly mention this point in my draft 
during the year 1767-68, nearly towards the end Mahadji was confirmed 
in his mind later by his experiences during the 1st. Maratha War. 

11 Jan 44. 

In my talk with Dr. Pawar one or two points pertinent to our activi- 
ties occurred to me, which I commend for your action. The Kolhapur 
archives have been now ransacked by Dr. Pawar and selections prepared 
for printing of some 200 rare papers as far unknown to the public. For 
two years the work is lying unattended to by the authorities and nobody 
feels interested. Dr. Pawar himself is helpless. More than a year ago 
I wrote a suggestion for the Darbar which is ignored. The war trouble 
is always a plausible excuse, but some one must make these people realize 
their responsibility in a vital subject, which nobody attends to as of 
immediate concern. There is another point in this connection. You 

1. Jawahir Singh was the son of Sura j Mai, the Jat Raja of Bharatpur. He succeeded 

to the Jat Kingdom after his father’s death in December 1763. He was an able army leader 
of the highest courage and activity, but he had an imperious spirit and in political and 

administrative matters he was far inferior to his father. He lost his life at the hands of a 

soldier in July 1768. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , II. 439, 456-80; Sardesai, New 
History of the Marathas, II, 508-509.) 

2. Madec, Rene, born at Quimper in Brittany, first saw service in 1748 under the French 

East India Company. Soon afterwards he left this job and joined the French troops at 
Pondicherry. He was taken into captivity at Jinji by the British and made to serve in the 
English Army in Bengal. He effected his escape after some time and took to the life of an 
adventurer. He was possessed of patriotic spirit and always looked to the interest of his 
country. He also served Shuja-ud-daulah, the Jat Raja and finally took employment in 1772 
under the Mughal Emperor who created him a noble of the first rank for his gallantry and 

efficient military service. In 1778 he left for France where he died in 1784. (Sarkar, Fall 

of the Mughal Empire, III, 65-66 ; IV, 111 ; Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography , 269.) 

3. Walter Reinhardt, nicknamed Sombre or Samru, was a German soldier. He served 
Mir Qasim, Jawahir Singh the Jat Raja of Bharatpur and the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II. 
He commanded a trained infantry of 2,000 with 5 pieces of cannon. He amassed a large 
fortune during his Indian career and died in May 1778. The celebrated Begam Samru 
was his wife. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , HI, 275-76 ; Sarkar. Fall of the 
Mughal Entire, IV, 125.) 



know the value of the Amitya Daftar of Bavda, out of which Rajwade 
printed his 8th vol. The Bavda Chief died a year or two ago & the state 
along with Ichalkaranji is likely to be amalgamated with Kolhapur. The 
Diwan of Bavda Mr. Sabnis who printed two small vols out of the Daftar 
revising Rajwade’s edition, has been dismissed and all papers and state 
records are under lock and seal. God knows how much material has been 
pilfered by Sabnis, how much remains at Bavda and what the fate of 
that most valuable old Daftar is going to be. Govt, may take years to 
decide on the amalgamations. In my opinion one immediate step that can 
be taken is to save the Bavda records, bring them to Kolhapur and open 
them to genuine students of history along with the Kolhapur records (the 
latter having long remained a sealed book unnecessarily) on the same 
principle as was followed by the Bombay Govt, on the subject of the 
Peshwas’ Daftar. 

As you have long realized, it is only a strong British official during 
minority that can take this bold vital progressive step. Mr. E. W. Perry, 
I.C.S. present Prime Minister of Kolhapur is a strong man of sound common 
sense always bent upon quick execution. He is prompt in replying too. 
I think if you send him a cogent representation on the lines mentioned 
above with the sole object of quickly saving what otherwise may be for 
ever lost. I am sure he will at once act. Dr. Pawar advises this step & 
may be made the immediate custodian, so that the records may be removed 
from the hands of petty ignorant clerks or routine officials. Mr. Perry 
is in direct charge of the records & will lose no time to act if he knows 
from reliable persons like you, what is in the interest of history. If you 
like you can mention me and I will personally go if necessary to put 
together all that remains of the Bavda records, possibly making Sabnis 
disgorge if he has anything in his possession. 

Kamshet P., Dt. Poona 
9 Feb 1944. 

I just read your excellent exposition of Lakheri. As regards the date 
Keene gives Septr. 1792, which most writers have followed. Grant Duff 
gives no date. I have not seen any Marathi papers mentioning the 
date. Kindly let me know if you have noticed any Marathi paper. 
^ iuewlqf . Part II No. 241 (p 211) is a paper dated 4 Septr. 1793 in 

which Ahalyabai's interview with Dudrenec is described. This corrobo- 
rates your date. 

I have one or two questions to ask. You say Bapu Holkar (not^ 
Bapu Rao ; your article p. 99) was Tukoji’s son. Tukoji is known to have 


only 4 sons, Kashirao & Malharrao legitimate, Yashwantrao and Vithoji, 
illegitimate. I wonder what your authority is for Bapu being his son. 
This Bapu Holkar is certainly a prominent figure, may be Tukoji’s near 
relative. I suppose he is the same Bapu Holkar who later went into 
Sindia’s service and figured in the affair of Col. Monson’s retreat. It was 
Bapu Holkar’s treachery wh., it is said, brought Monson into trouble. 

The affair of Lakheri, and many others like it, proves the utter 
incompetency of Ahalyabai to handle political or administrative questions. 
She could not restrain Malharrao. She was a pious lady but an utterly 
incompetent ruler. During 30 long years of her rule, there is hardly any- 
thing to her credit except her 1st bold stand against Raghoba in the 
summer of 1767. She could not control Tukoji, nor could she set him 
aside, as many advised. Her atmosphere was entirely priestly. In this 
respect you must have noticed Devrao Hingne's 1 2 3 * * * * report Parasnis 
%o Ho 1793-1794. 

P. Kamshet. Dt. Poona 
6 May 1944. 

As time permits Dighe and I often discuss some of the outstanding 
controversies in Maratha history and each time we get some fresh light. 
For instance on the question of Bhau Saheb’s last day push against Abdali 
on 14 Jan 1761. 1 wonder if you have noticed Nos 406 and 409 in which 
Satvoji Jadav* clearly states 

;qT 3? atowT, to qiata HuaTii to fe*t* fltow 
shhih 95* ^ “to qito to 3 % atoi*T 

to * =to* 51 %. 3 TN% ^* 1*1 

So it is clear that Bhau Saheb took with him all the non-combatants on the 
assurance given by Ibrahim Khan 8 to force a passage through the Afghan 

1. Devrao Hingane, the youngest of the Hingane brothers, led the mission to Indore in 
August 1793. He failed to effect any settlement and returned to Poona in December 1794. 
The main object of the mission was to Restrict the lawless activities of Malhar Rao II. 
(Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, III, 214-15.) 

2. Satvoji Jadhav was the son of Pilaji Jadhav. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , 
II, 439 ) 

3. Ibrahim Khan Gardi was Bussy’s Indian lieutenant. Later he was employed by the 

Peshwa. He was an excellent artillery man. He fought valiantly on the side of the Marathas 

in the Third Battle of Panipat, was captured by the enemy and put to death. (Sardesai, New 

History of th$ Marathas , II, 326, 334, 336, 4l7, 421, 429, 437, 441, 443 ; Sarkar, Fall of the 

'Mughal Fenfire* II, 239, 254, 329, 350.) 

sarde$ai-$arkar correspondence 


ranks. Most of the details given in Bhau Saheb’s Bakhar and the Kaifiyat 
are borne out by independent evidence and I understand both these as 
reliable official reports. Both these are wonderfully charming historical 

Kamshet P. Dt. Poona 
13 June 1944. 

You have summarily rejected Shivadigvijaya and Shivaji’s letter to 
Maloji Ghorpade. 1 This letter has been fully translated in my Shivaji 
Souvenir. It is a genuine document and explains lucidly the object of 
Shivaji's whole undertaking as nothing else does. I should request you to 
read it carefully over again and tell me why you reject it. It has nothing 
to do with the faked firmans of Mudhol. Similarly Shivadigvijaya 
throughout quotes genuine original letters that passed between Shivaji 
and his brother Ekoji. In fact nothing comes up to the level of this 
bakhar s accounts of Shivaji’s Karnatak Expedition. It is available as 
Martin’s — if anything, the letter was a stranger and wrote what he ob- 
served : while the author of Shivadigvijaya appears to have been one of 
Shivaji’s own inner circle. Of course this bakhar has many worthless 
imaginary portions, but that must not prevent us from accepting what is 
palpably genuine. We must separate the grain from the chaff. As I have 
said, I am giving out in my history the Maratha side of the affair — what 
I should call the Maratha Kaifiyat. 

P. Kamshet 

Can you also tell me if you know if the German writer Springle’s 
History of the Marathas written in 1782 has anywhere been translated 
and published in English and if so whether the English version is now 
available. If it is not available, a friend wishes to know if it is worth- 
while translating it into English or Marathi now, as a source of Maratha 

1. Maloji Ghorpare was the youngest son of Baji Ghorpare who had arrested Shahji at 
Jinji. Though his father had been killed by Shivaji. he served Shambhuji with devotion and 
lost his life while trying to save Shambhuji from being captured by the Mughals. (Sardesai, 
New History of the Marathas , I. 152. 161, 232-35, 314.) 



The Guest House, 

7 February 1945 

I think I am doing some useful work here. There are heaps of Modi 
papers mostly of the post-Panipat period, very little of Asaf Jah’s days. 
About 200 Akbarats are discovered for the period 1774 — 1782, daily news 
letters from Poona to Haiderabad often giving some secret information of 
occurrences at Poona, which we do not find in the existing papers. 
Competent agents and news-writers were stationed at Poona by the 
Nizam’s Govt, and even linguisitically the mixture of many Persian words 
and phrases woven in the body of the Marathi language is both striking 
and charming. 

I am arranging to have at least one vol. of these Akbarats immedi- 
ately published. The Executive Council are all very earnest and show 
high regard for the work and plan I am making for them. All available 
papers are being brought together and even the private possessions of 
families like the Rav Rambha of Bhum and the others are being tapped. 

P. Kamshet, Dist Poona 
9 March 1945 

I returned from Haiderabad last week, after having organized a 
research office and set in motion the required operations in connection 
with the large quantity of Marathi Modi Records they possess. Some very 
interesting fresh material is being discovered and the Authorities in their 
own interest seem to realize their responsibility. A persistent hammering 
from me is absolutely necessary — the wheels of that administration are 
slow and indifferent. 

P. Kamshet, Poona 
9 July 1945. 

I have just been writing my English chapter on Mahadji’s last days 
and his doings at Poona. The correct date of Lakheri which you gave in 
the Modern Review has served now to clear most of the letters and papers 
I quoted in 1929, in my 3xK 2 pages 403-405. I had obtained hand 
copies of these letters myself from the Kotah Daftar and they are still 
nowhere printed. Possibly you have now in your hind fresh correct 
, copies obtained by the Kumar Saheb. 1 particularly refer to two letters 
dated *{: ] 



(1) 10 February 1793 (Quoted on 405 fk. fa. 2.) and 

(2) 15 May 1793 (quoted on 403 fa. fa. 2). 

The battle of Lakheri finally decided the issue on 1st June. Till the issue 
was declared, Mahadji deliberately wavered in taking a strong action 
against the Poonaits. Kindly read these two letters carefully and give 
them their due importance in your Fall last vol. Mahadji was prepared to 
do short work not only of the Holkar State but also of the whole rotten 
administration of Poona. The success attained by Mahadji’s arms at 
Lakheri on 1st June so cowed down his Poona opponents that they 
immediately yielded all their points in favour of Mahadji. Their climb 
down is worth noticing. It was unfortunate that Mahadji caught his 
fever at Poona immediately after the victory of Lakheri and he gradually 
suc[c]umbed. Otherwise Maratha history wd. have been written 

When is your Fall vol. 4 likely to come out ? The mistake in 
the date has confused all writers. Duff [,] Keene and others and now 
a strong clear correction is necessary. Nana at once sent Devrao Hingne 
to Indore on a mission of setting the Holkar House in order. Now these 
letters of Hingne can *be clearly followed. Nana and others did their 
best to incite Holkar against Sindia and encouraged him to put down 
the latter. What a suicidal policy ! It is these treacherous plans of 
Nana Phadnis which Mahadji was determined to put down at any 
cost. It is plain that he instructed De Boigne and Gopalrao 1 to fight out 
the issue boldly. Marathi writers till now have perverted the issue, 
maintaining that Mahadji never knew of what was taking place in the 
north ; that Lakheri was fought without his knowledge ; that it was a 
sudden outburst, manouvered by Gopal Bhau and De Boigne ; and that 
Mahadji punished Gopalrao for acting without the master s orders. All 
this is I find bosh. The Lakheri affair was a long one ; that the two 
armies were facing each other for more than 12 months : that Mahadji 
instead of chiding his generals, complimented them for their bold stand 
and attainment of a final decision. For many years therefore, Gopalrao 
Bhau is seen managing Sindian affairs with responsibility and discretion. 
Such is the extreme pervertion [ t should be 5 ] of history at the hands of 
writers till now. In my s. fa. on Lakheri I took the same view in 1929. 

1. Gopalrao Bhau, a Deshastha Brahman, was the son of Raghunath Malhar Kulkarni o 
Nigodi and acted as Mahadji's deputy in Hindustan. He defeated Malhar Rao Holkar at 
Lakheri in 1793. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV. 81-98, 143 , Satdesai. History 
of the Udrathas, HI, 246-49.1 



Kindly let me have a few remarks from you on this topic with your 
accurate reading of the situation based on unimpeachable sources. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona, 
14 Septr 1945. 

I met Mr. Gode in Poona, who is now doing splendid work. He 
needs a reference to the earliest import of Persian horses into India. I 
enclose you a verse in the describing the various kinds of horses 

Vanayuja, Porooik, Kamboja and Balhiker (Balk). Do you remember 
having read of the trade of Persian horses in India, before the Arab con- 
quest of Sindh and long before Marco Polo ? If any such reference could 
be discovered, it will help fixing the date of Amar Singh. 

Kamshet P. O. (Poona) 
19 Septr. 1945 

I have always believed that a major portion of the whole of the 
Maratha History has been reconstructed by you. If you have not sacrificed 
money & labour of a life, Maratha history could not have progressed to 
what it is, in spite of Rajwade and others. 

P. Kamshet (Poona) 
23 Septr. 1945 

If you have an account of the battle of Laswadi of 31 Oct. 1803, 
from the Kotah Daftar papers I shd. like to see it. Lord Lake won the 

Do you know how Nana Phadnis came to have the title Madar-ul- 
Maham. Was it the Emperor or the Nizam who gave it to him.* 

P. Kamshet Dt. Poona 
15 June 1946 

I am anxious that your Shiva ji should now be the last word on the 
subject, comprehensive enough to stand as an immortal monument of your 
scholarship and genius. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
13 Octr. 1946. 

The dowager Maharanis of Baroda, Dewas and Kooch Behar are all 
going Vo Jaipur some time at the end of November. The Jaipur Raja is 



the son-in-law of Kooch Behar, of Indira, the daughter of Sayajirao and 
Chunnabai. The last is in Poona just now and sent for me last week. As 
during our conversation we talked of Jaipur papers, she suggested that 
as all the three ladies are going to Jaipur shortly, I should also visit 
them there, so that they would use their good offices and see that the 
valuable papers in their archives see the light of day. I am almost 
inclined to visit Jaipur when they go there. I only wish to have your 
guidance in this subject. So please let me know what you think of my 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona. 
26. 10. 1946 

The Maharaniof Baroda has by now gone to Delhi and will invite 
me there after the middle of Novr. I will trace out your Jaipur scheme 
and see what I can do. 

P- Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
4 November 1946. 

I am posting you separately copies of my move for the Jaipur papers. 
The Maharanis have pressed me much to go to them to Delhi and Jaipur. 
I am waiting for their call. They are now at Delhi. Mr. Mavlankar has 
also pressed me to meet him at Delhi. I now await Krishnamachari’s 
reply. Will keep you informed. 

P. Kamshet, Dist. Poona 
6 November 1946 

Although out of good intentions, our friend Wakaskar has made a 
mess of Sardesai Comniemoration of Baroda. There was absolutely no 
need for it : but he thought Dhulia people had stolen a march over 
Baroda and started begging for contributions in my name, proposing to 
offer me a purse or institute a scholarship in my name at the Baroda 
College after my death. Both these ideas are repulsive to me. 

* * * 

Wakaskar begged to me to accept a silver casket or a silver photo- 
frame with an address in. I refused to have any such presents. I have 
no heir, no family to take care of such articles after me. I have already 
disposed of what I possessed after my wife’s death. The library is enough 
burden for my brothers, I don’t wish to add to that burden any further, 



P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
12 Nov. 1946. 

Mahant Dattagir writes to me on the subject of the History of the 
Gosavis. I can realize your agony. But if the people are ready to pay, 
would it not be possible to entrust the work to men like Ashirbadi Lai 
or Hari Ram Gupta or N. B. Roy. Such a course will give you relief by 
handing over your notes to a new young scholar. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
25. 11. 46. 

I have received an urgent call from the Maharani of Baroda to go 
to Delhi & on to Jaipur. I am leaving here tomorrow and after getting 
copies of the new history from Dhavle and buying a railway passage, shall 
proceed. I had had no reply from the Diwan of Jaipur. I hope to 
return within two weeks. 

Jaipur House, 
c/o Maharani Gaikwad, 
New Delhi 
3 Dec 1946 

I find myself stuck up here with no work. The lady wanted me to 
accompany her to Jaipur ; but on account of health she has put off her 
journey. Now she wants me to go to Jaipur alone and arrange the 
printing. Will you kindly communicate your instructions to Sir V.T.K. 
or to me to his care, what exactly I am to do there, (1) where are the 
transcripts of the 1st vol. ref. to Mirza Raja [.] (2) are they at Jaipur, 
(3) are they arranged for printing and (4) what exactly I can do at 
Jaipur. I am writing to Sir V. T. to expect your communication.’ I hope 
to leave for Jaipur after three days. As the letters are non-Marathi, I am 
at a loss to de[c]ide how I shd proceed. I am wasting my time and 
wished to be extricated, with some tangible results after all this huge 
move on my part. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
22 Jan. 1947 

I was shocked to learn that your son-in-law Dr. Sarkar had recently 
expired. I never knew he was ailing : nor did Dighe mention to me this 
fresh bereavement in your family. Only two days ago I wrote to you a 
long letter on several topics and had then no idea that you had again to 
suffer a «heavy blow. I do not know what comfort I can offer you under 



the circumstances. Dr. Sarkar has a large family probably requiring 
your attention and support. Your financial resources must now be 
heavily strained particularly with the present abnormal conditions of life. 
I get Rs. 237 as my pension : and when I calculated my yearly expenses 
for 1946 a few days ago, I found I had spent something like Rs 3200, 
much more than my income : and this for a lonely recluse like me with no 
burden of a family. 

P. Kamshet Dt. Poona 
21 March 3947. 

I had no idea of such deep feeling existing in Baroda towards my 
humble self. The young Maharani, who was married several years after 
I left Baroda and who is now a mother of eight good children, feels her 
forlorn position and invited me for a personal interview. She showed me 
her eight children and asked my blessings for them. I was moved tremen- 
dously and expressed my inability that any blessing from me could be 
efficacious. For three long hours she sat in full court in the midst of an 
audience of over a thousand. To me it was a painful experience sitting 
there listening to so many orators singing inordinate praises of the 
Riyasatkar. My reply came at the end when I found myself utterly 
confused and exhausted for any cogent reasoning coming out of roe. They 
collected some 4500 Rs of which they have spent a thousand in a silver 
casket present which I have brought here. I could not refuse it. The 
balance of Rs 3500 they are going to hand over on such use as I can 
make towards further work in history. This I will do in consultation with 

P. Kamshet Dt. Poona 
7 August 1947 

I am now revising the last four chapters received from you and thank 
you for the enormous trouble you have taken. In most cases I follow your 
directions and in a few ones I wish to refer to Dighe for his final decision. 
Intrigue was as much a factor for British success in India as valour and 
diplomacy and incidents of such a nature occupied a large portion of my 
treatment. However I bow to your superior judgment. 

• * * 

You are probably aware that I asked from Baroda for a photostat 
copy of the ms. bearing as was supposed on the life of Shahu 
XW This is only one small Marathi bit of a larger work in Sanskrit. 

The whole consists of some 200 pages and I am now occupied in . studying 


it. One first cursory reading is completed and I now go to a fuller study. 
The author is full of wonderful vocabulary ; but has neither poetic genius 
nor literary flourishes. He is an orthodox Brahman devoted to sumptuous 
food and the orthodox ways of life & worship in which all names 

, srfi^T*) of dishes, flowers, of female beauties and amours are mostly 
in evidence. I am sure of one thing that Parmanand did not die early. 
He lived in the reign of Sambhaji and has described the death of Shivaji. 
He curses Moropant Pinghle, 1 Annaji Datto 2 and other ministers of 
Shivaji ; all these were averse to Sambhaji who probably patronized 
Parmanand. I have a faint idea of editing the whole work ; but printing 
in these days is difficult. Any way I will write a paper on the subject. 

I entirely agree with your reamrks on the historical value of 
Parmanand’s work. I have also returned today your remarks on Shahji. 
I also agree with your view of that personality and have sent you a few 
notes. Shivaji received his best training from his father and outshone 
him by establishing complete independence. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
29 August 1947. 

I think you are right in taking Balaji, Daulatrao, and Yesaji (same as 
Yashvant) Surrao as three successive Chandra Raos. The same document 
(No. 2620 of Pat. Sar Sangr. pt 3) is extensively printed on p. 225 — No. 639 
of Shiva Charitra Sahitya Pt. 3. Please see the three top lines of p 230. 
Incidently you can note Anaji Raugnath (Malkare) witnessing the docu- 
ment on p 226. I have also referred the point of the Mores to Gupte and 
read it and effected the necessary changes in the chapters of my history. 
I thank you. 

I heartily welcome yr. superior judgment and in point of scholarship 
I know I cannot claim even to be a glow worm before the sun. But I do 
wish to point out that in many cases older writers like Mill and Marshman 
are more realistic than the later whitewashers. Has not Stratchey absolved 

1. Moropant Pingle was made the Peshwa or Prime Minister by Shivaji about 1658. He 
was high in Shivaji’s confidence and died during Shambhuji's reign in October 1681. 
(Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 113, 294.) 

2. Annaji Datto was the finance minister under Shivaji and also served as the governor 
of Konkan. Shivaji had the highest opinion of his success as a governor. He was put to 
death by Shambhuji for plotting against his life. (Sardesai, New History of the Marathas , I, 
118, 128, 215, 220, 250, 255, 293, 299 ; Sarkar, Shivaji , 240, 284, 311, 330, 347, 357 ; Short 
History of Aurangzib , 275 ; History of Aurangzib, IV, 468.) 



Hastings from the charges levelled against him in the affair of Nandkumar ? 
P. E. Roberts is fair and sound but unnecessarily apologetic 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
1 January 1948. 

Can you think of a successor to Jayachandra, Hari Ram Gupta, 
Ashirbadi Lai or N. K. Sinha or some one else : do you advise Nirod Roy 
to take this up. The man should be pushing enough and capable of 
exacting work from others. This is what Shastri wants. Please write to 
him what you wd. propose to improve matters and let me know. I think 
if your own nominee working under your direct supervision is entrusted 
with the Secretary’s work, the Parishad would come out splendidly. 
Babu Rajendra Prasad is keen & will bring in funds as soon as some work 
becomes visible. I beg you to bestow your best thoughts on the subject. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
6 March 1948. 

I have just finished reading the 144 pages of your House of Shivaji 
new ed. There is a lot of new valuable matter put in and the whole 
subject is now well arranged in several respects. Malik Ambar and 
Shahji (p 64-70) are entirely reconstructed, so that all students of that 
hazy period of history will be well guided for further study and research. 
An enormous amount of new matter with definite sources which you have 
brought together will earn you a lasting credit for reconstructing the 
16th & 17th centuries of the history of South India. This clearly proves 
that buf for your labours the history of the Marathas would have for ever 
remained poor & incomplete. One can easily see that more than 90% of 
Maratha history is the result of your singular untiring labours of half a 
century. Your eye freely roams over the dark regions from Akbar to 
Shah Alam [,] from Talikot to Assai. 

P, Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
18. 6. 1948. 

Your company here for two months was so charming that I now feel 
my present loneliness all the more oppressive. 


P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
14 March 1949. 

That means that we are now committed to editing the available 
portions of Parmanant[d]’s works. The Poona School has been baffled 
after a severe effort, as also in the case of their much advertised History 
project sponsored by the History Congress. 

I would therefore request you to make this Parmanand poems your 
first concern immediately you arrive here. I would urge a supreme effort 
being concentrated on this important find of Shivaji’s life including your 
learned investigations on the tantric cult in India. If you think we can 
derive any useful glimpses in a personal visit to Shringarpur, I can easily 
arrange such a tour in which Mr. Mavlankar will also join as he is to visit 
his family shrine at Mavlanga, in the same vicinity. We can have an 
interesting outing in May. I have some friends in Poona who are much 
interested in the publication of Parmanand’s poems and you can publish 
your own finds and views which you could not incorporate in your 4th 
edition of Shivaji. 

P. Kamshet Dt. Poona 
23 June 1949 

I wonder why you style Jaipur History as the private property of the 
State, which no longer exists. It is a literary work of public benefit and 
your labours ought not to be wasted. In fact the Jaipur authorities are 
afraid that they have no hold on you if you publish the work on your 
account. Any way do bring the ms with you and we shall see what best 
can be done. 

P. Kamshet Dist Poona, 
12 Octr 1949. 

Having finished the revision of the last volume of my Riyasat, I 
have taken up the Gulgule papers for editing. The whole lot is now with 
me. I am simultaneously drafting the English foot-notes for which most 
of the papers have a blank space at bottom. I will add a separate slip 
where such space is not available. 

P. Kamshet Dt. Poona 
27 Novr. 1949 

I am working on the Kotah papers and would certainly set apart 
matter for your immediate use. But I am afraid until I finish the whole 
jot I may not be able to pick up what you need. 



P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
13 Jan 1950* 

I am keeping well & pushing on the work of the Kotah papers. 
Although no fresh facts are being discovered, many rich details and 
discussions are freely detected in this Daftar. I have so far edited about 
2000 papers or something like one third of the whole. I have edited a 
few of the papers bearing on the war of 1803 but I don’t suppose they 
will give you any fresh matter or view. The debacle of the Maratha 
chiefs before Wellesley’s consummate handling is evident throughout. 
Most of Lalaji Ballal Gulgule’s correspondents are Saraswats — Balaji 
Govind, Mahadji’s secretary, Jagannath Vishvanath and his two sons 
Vithal & Sadashiv are Saraswats and their letters are full. The Chitnis 
family, Abaji, 1 2 3 * * * * Krishnoba* & Gopalrao Bhau are Deccani Brahman [s]. 
The writers of Holkar letters in Purandare Daftar II are all Deccani 
Brahmans. I have so far come across no name of Holkar’s writers, who 
are other than Brahmans. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona, 
5 Apr 1950. 

Kotah papers give full accounts of the southern operations Asai, 
Ashirgad 8 [,] Argaum &c but nothing of Laswan[ri.] The daftar contains 
letters reed, at Kotah and hardly any that were sent out from Kotah. I 
am sure Ambaji Ingle did not lead Sindian troops at Laswari as he had 
practically deserted to Lake during those months of war, and concluded 
the final treaty with Lake in Dec 1803. There is no other leader of the 
name of Ambaji or Abaji on Maratha side at that time. The name of the 
Phadnis who served Daulatrao is Sadashiv Bapuji who died on 20 Apr 

1. Aba Chitnis, a Deshastha Brahman, was the son of Raghunath Malhar Kulkarni of 
Nigodi. He managed the finances of Mahadji Sindhia and was an excellent administrator. 
(Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, IV, 143.) 

2. Krishnoba Chitnis was the brother of Aba Chitnis. He served Mahadji as a 
secretary, and control of finances was the special feature of his administrative capacity. 
(Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , IV, 143.) 

3. Ashirgarh, according to Far ishta belonged to a herdsman Asa Ahir whose ancestors 

had held it for seven centuries. Asa fortified it in 1370. The Farrukhi rulers of Khandesh 

possessed it for 200 years when it was occupied by Emperor Akbar. After a period of nearly 

200 years it was captured by the Marathas. The British seized it in 1819. The fort of 

Ashirgarh stood on the spur of a hill. It was 1100 yards long and 600 yards wide. (Impeftal 

Gaeetteer of India, I, 338-9.) 



1804. Between 20 Oct and 1 Nov, 1803 Ambaji was negotiating his deser- 
tion. I regret I cannot elucidate the name Ambaji. 



I have hunted through the Gwalior Jagirdar history but find no clue 
to Sarwarkhan. 

P. Kamshet, Dt. Poona 
8 May 1950. 

One more fact can be added to your article on Parmananda Kavindra 
in the House of Shivaji. If you read the letter No. 16 of P. D. S. vol. 43, 
you will notice that Govind Kavindra put an end to his life as a sanyasi 
at Mahuli near Satara about 23rd March 1782. He lost all patronage 
after Shahu’s death and had none to support him in Peshwa’s Govt, at 
Poona. The orthodox party obtained ascendancy and killed the last 
vestiges of the tantric cult. Govind says he has no issue and the family 
became extinct. They drew an annuity of Rs 300 at Newasa 1 . 

P. Kamshet, 
28 Dec 1950. 

I am keeping well in health but entirely restless for want of some 
urgent task in hand. I find Bhattacharya of Baroda has made no progress 
in the printing of the Parmanand poem beyond the first form I corrected 
some two months ago. Can you kindly suggest to me some useful job 
which I can profitably take up. I cannot proceed without guidance from 

Garden View Par si Colony, 
Dadar Bombay 14 
20 June 1951 

I very much deplore the waste of the life I have now to put up with. 

1. Newasa is a town in the Ahmadnagar District of Bombay* and 35 miles north-east of 
thl Ahmadnagar town. Gyaneshwara, the great Maratha poet, wrote his commentary on the 
Bhagvad Gita at Newasa which he named as Niwas. {Imperial Gamettotr of India, X. 292.) 



17 July 1952. 

I send you my draft on Shivaji’s early life. Kindly see if you can 
make anything of it. 

23 July 1952. 

Herewith please find my paper on Sayaji Rao as suggested by you. 
It has grown a bit too long. I have consequently omitted the Madam 
Cama 1 incident. Can the subject be presented in two instalments ? I 
feel very different if such stuff can be welcome to readers of the present 

1. Bora in 1875. Madam Cama hailed from a Farsi family of Bombay % She let! for 
Europe in 1908 and spent there the whole of her life preaching for India’s freedom. 


Title page, line 6, for ‘of Bombay and 
of Bengal,’ read of Bombay and 
Honorary Fellow of Asiatic Society 
of Bombay and 

P. viii, 1. 35, for ‘on Mughal’ read on 
the Mughal. 

P. ix, 1. 3, insert the before ‘contri- 

P. 4, 1. 35, insert the before ‘Miskin’. 

P. 8, L 23, for ‘return you’ read return 


P. 12, 1. 4. for ‘Board’ read Branch. 

P. 12, 1. 6, for ‘1926’ read 1936. 

P. 13, 1. 2, for 'him in guiding’ read in 
guiding him. 

P. 15, 1. 9, for ‘eight’ read £l. 

P. 15, 1. 21, insert the before ‘Sarkar- 

P. 18, 1. 20, insert the before ‘Riyasat’. 

P. 20, l. 11, for ‘hardships’ read 


P. 21, 1. 22, for ‘were’ read was. 

P. 22, 1. 32 for ‘Gwalior’ read Satara. 

P. 23, 1. 37, for ‘bringing out’ read 


P. 27, 1. 23, insert the before 

P. 28, 1. 33, insert the before ‘firm’. 

P. 34, 1. 10, for ‘the uppermost’ read 
then uppermost. 

P. 43, 1. 4, for ‘Cambridge History’ 
read Cambridge Modern History. 

P. 44. 1. 16, for ‘the foreman’ read a 


P. 53, 1. 2, for ‘our’ read four. 

P. 54, L 24, for ‘Jadunath’ read c7. C. 


P.69, 1.6, for ‘1939’ read 1938. 

P. 71, L 17, for ‘as as’ read as the. 

P. 82, L 1, fo‘r ‘poits’ read points. 

P. Ill, add at the bottom of the page, 
and many other papers. 

P. 115, 1. 6, for ‘unpublished essays’ 
read essays unpublished. 

P. 142, 1. 12, insert the before 


P. 150, 1. 12, for ‘Or, its’ read Or, is it. 
P. 161, 1. 4, for ‘you’ read your. 

P.165, 1 24. for ‘Matathi’ read 


P. 211, 1. 32, for ‘that more’ read more. 
P. 215, 1. 18, for ‘tne’ read the. 

P. 218, 1. 1, omit rather. 

P. 225, 1. 12, for ‘Ragistrar’ read 


P. 232, 1. 20, for ‘not’ read nor. 

P. 237, 1. 3, for ‘252’ read 255. 

P. 237, omit at bottom " Where is 
Peshawar ... garrison ?” (given 

P. 239, 1. 15, for ‘have an’ read have a. 
P. 242, 1. 22, for ‘longer field’ read 
larger field. 

P. 246, 1. 15, for ‘distinctly says’ read 
distinctly say. 

P. 246, 1. 23, for ‘wrong’ read the wrong. 
P. 250, 1. 34. add comma after • Collins. 
P. 253, 1. 29, for ‘hear’ read hear of. 

P. 257, 1. 14, after ‘confined’ add but. 

P. 259, 1. 7, after ‘Surya Rao’ add 
crowned ? 

P. 276, 1. 17, for 1 12’ read 1712. 

P. 278. 1. 22, for ‘look’ read looked. 

P. 280, 1. 22, for ‘in literary’ read to 


P. 281, 1. 1, after ‘family’ insert that 
can compare. 

P. 290, 1. 7, for ‘Jamar’ read e Jamav. 

P. 342, 1. 16, for ‘as far’ read so far. 

P. 344 for WTOtwfl read 



Abdali, Ahmad Shah— invasions of, 14; 
account of, 252, f. n.; camp of, 253. 

Abdul Ali — letter written to, 292- 

Abdul Aziz — account of, 282, f. n , 1 . 

Abdur Rahim— account of, 182, f. n., 4. 

Acworth— value of the work of, 247. 

Adil Shahi Dynasty— foundation of, 187, 
f.n., 2. 

Adina Beg— account of, 238, f. n , 5. 

Adoui— account of, 281, f. n., 5. 

Afzal Khan— account of, 180, f.n , 2, instruc- 
tions given to, 180; arrival at Wai of, 258 
demolition of a temple by, 259; death of, 

Ahalya Bai— admiration for, 200, despatches 
of, 248; daily account book of, 272, 
temperament of, 315 , incompetency of, 344. 

Ahluwalia, M. L.— paper by, 94 — 100. 

Ahmadnagar— kingdom of, 187, f. n., 1. 

Ahmed, Shah Muin-ud-din— humour of, 89 . 

Akbar, Sultan Muhammad— account of, 
134, f. n., 3 ; doings at the Maratha Court 
of, 135. 

Alamgir II— account of, 169, f. n., 2. 

All Yavar Jang, Nawab—plan of, 333 ; 
regard of, 334; organising ar history office, 

Ambaji Ingle— account of, 264, f. n„ 1. 

Amir Khan Pathan— account of . 249, f. n., 1. 

Anagundi — situation of, 315, f. n , 3. 

Andrews, C.F. — opinion of, 59. 

Annamalai University —situation of, 328. 

Apte— work by, 284. 

Apte, Baburao— protest of, 320. 

Ashirgarh — account of, 355, f. n. 

Assay e —situation of, 154, f. n , 3. 

At&l, Amarnath — objection raised by, 231. 

Attock — occupation of, 237 : controversy 
regarding, 339. 

Aundh — location of, 299, f. n., 1 ; letters 
published by the chief of, 310. 

Aurangabad — account of, 304, f. n., 2. 

Avji, Balaji -account of, 305, f. n facsimile 
of. 305. 

Azam Shah— account of, 175, f. n., 3. 


Bahadur Shah — account of, 204, f.n., 1. 

Bahlol Khan— account of, 281, f. n , 2. 

Bahrampur— education of Raj Kumar SarUr 
at, 35. 

Baizapur— situation of, 173, f. n., 1. 

Baji Rao I. — account of, 163, f. n., 2 ; 
itinerary of the tour of, 226, visits of, 325. 

Baji Rao II.— account of, 185, f. n., 2 ; 
Malcolm’s visit to, 2 27. 

Bajranggarh— importance of, 222, f. n., 2. 

Bakhale— character of, 171. 

Bakhshi, Jivva Dada- account of, 261, f. n. 

Balaji Baji Rao— account of, 172, f. n., 3. 

Balaji Vishwanath— account of, 192, f. n., 2. 

Balapur— situation of, 177, f. n., 3. 

Balkrishna, Dr.— work of, 298. 

Baloo Mirza— real name of, 232, f. n., 3. 

Banaras Hindu University— Jadunath 

appointed Profes~or and Head of the 
Department of History in, 29, 44-5. 

Banerjee, Brojendra Nath — work of, 70 

Banner jee, Surendra Nath — college of, 41; 
supervision by, 42. 

Banner ji, Albion— proceeds for higher 
studies to England, 26. 

Bapu, Sakbaram— account of, 319, f. n. 

Barari— situation of, 230, f. n. 

Bari Sahiba - account of, 180, f. n., 5. 

Baroda— session of Indian Historical Records 
Commission at, 20, the Maratha Library 
Conference organised at, 20; account of, % 
222 f- n., 3; Maliaranis of, 348-9;, Darbar 
held by the young Maharani of, 3 5\, 



Bar rack pur— first shot of the Mutiny fired by 
Sepoy Mangal Pandey at, 35. 

Barve, R. B.— authoiity of. 293, 

Basant Roy— murder of, 254. 

Bassein— situation of, 314, f. n„ 3. 

Basu, K. K.— residence of, 75. 

Bavda— records of, 343. 

Bavdekar— work of, 3C5-6. 

Bednur— situation of, 322, f.n. 

Begun— location of, 227, f. n. 

Bel gaum — account of, 151, f.n., 5. 

Beni Prasad— work by, 277. 

Berasia— situation of, 175, f. n., 6. 

Beveridge, H- — remarks by, 60, 71 ; apprecia- 
tion by, 224. 

Bhagwan Das-learning & position of, 44. 
Bhamola— situation of, 226, f. n., 5. 
Bhandarkar Institute— diver Jubilee of, 334. 
Bhandarkar, R. G.- invited by Diwan 
Ramesh Chandra Dutta to attend the 
Maratlia Library Conference at Baroda, 21. 

Bharati Krishna— theory of, 328. 

Bharatpur — account of, 176, f. n., 4. 
Bhatvadi— location of, 258. f. n. , 1. 

Bhau, Gopalrao- account of, 347, f. n. 

Bhau, Sadashiv Rao— account of, 175, f.n., 4. 
Bhavabhuti— account of. 242, f. n., 2. 

Bhave, V. K. — present received from, 272. 
Bhawani Shankar— account of, 245, f. n., 4. 
Bhilsa— situation of, 176, f. n., 1. 

Bhosles— policy of, 194. 

Bhosle, Raghuji— raids into Bengal of, 138-9; 
account of, 138, f. n., 3; founds Nagpur, 
160, f.n., 1. 

Bhosle, Sharifji Raje— account of, 302 f.n., 4. 
Bid —situation of, 212, f. n. 

Bijapur- account of, 133, f.n., 2; Perdan 
history of, 133. 

Bithur— situation of, 295, f. n., 2. 

Black Hole Affair— books on, 141, 168 : 
naturd of, 313. 

Bombay University — to organise research 
in Maratlia history, 148 ; lectures at, 225. 

Books— on Mughal insignia and standards, 
131-2; on Bhosle raids into Bengal, 138-9; 
on the Black Hole, 141; on Hindu supersti- 
tions and manners, 186, on last Maratha 
War, 191; on Jaswant Rao Holkar, 195; of 
pleasant reading, 203; on ancient India, 
220; on Maratha history, 241, 245, 250, on 
sati in N. India, 249. 

Borah, M. I.— translation published by, 68. 

Bose, Lady Abala— affection for, 54. 

Bose, Sir, J. C. — pilgrimage of, 30; affection 
for, 54. 

Brahmendra Swami— account of, 231, f. n. 

Brahmo ism— hearing by Jadunath Sarkar of 
the sermons of, 37. 

Brahmpuri— situation of, 340, f. n., 1. 

Budh Gaya— pilgrimage of Jadunath Sarkar 
to, 30. 

Bundi— account of, 168, f. n., 1. 

Bussy — career of, 189, f. n., 2, journal of an 
officer of, 189. 


Calcutta— Jadunath studies at, 2, no distrac- 
tions at, 40 ; uncertainty at, 229-30 ; 
condition at, 232 ; supplies at, 240; riots 
at, 14, 254 ; climate of, 260, 262, 272. 

Calcutta University— founded, 1 ; Jadunath 
stands first in, 3; Vice-Chancel'lor of, 3. 

Cama, Madam -work of, 357, f. n. 

Chaitanya — Life and Teachings of, 53. 

Chalisgaon— situation of, 173, f. n., 6. 

Chambal— course of, 176, f. n., 2. 

Champa -presented to Sambhaji, 190. 

Chanda Sahib— account of, 233, f. n. 

Chandorkar— work of, 305-6. 

Chandrabalji— position of, 44. 

Chandwar-situation of, 304, f. n„ 3. 

Chatterji, Ramanand— friendship with Jadu- 
nath of, 31 ; Bengali monthly Prahasi 
started by, 31 ; request for articles from, 
31 ; relations with, 54 ; last request by, 



Chauth— a sort of Maratha tribute, 199, 
f. n„ 1. 

Chesterfield— letters of, 15. 

Chhatra Sal— account of, 193, f. n.,5; descen- 
dant of, 326* 

Child, Sir John— account of, 130, f. n-, 5, 

Chitnis— wrong version of, 151. 

Chitnis, Aba — account of, 355, f. n., 1. 

Chitnis, Krishnoba - account of, 355, f.n., 2. 

Chitor— account cf, 183, f. n., 1. 

Choudhury, P. C. Roy— reminiscences of, 

Chunargarh— account of, 295, f. n., 1. 

Collins, John— account of, 250, & f. n., 2- 

Correspondence, Sarkar-Sardesai — desire 
for publication of, 21, 336, 

Cuttack— in Jadunath’s time, 45 ; account of, 
138, f. n , 2* 


Dabhol— situation of, 150, f. n., 3. 

Darjeeling-first visit of Jadnnath Sarkar to, 
29; house built by Jadunath Sarkar at. 29, 
house sold to Tensing, 50. 

Das, G. S.— reminiscences of, 77. 

Dattagir, Gosavi — anxious to get the history 
of his order written, 211; records in 
pqssession of, 223, 327; anxiety of, 328, 350. 

Dattoji, Annaji— account o(, 352, f. n., 2. 

Daulatabad— situation of, 154, f. n., 2. 

Dausa— situation of, 212, f. n., 2. 

Day a Bahadur— account of, 193, f n., 3. 

De Bo igne— account of, 264, f. n., 2. 

Deccan College— selection of a professor at, 

Deep Singh— mission of, 289, f. n. 

Dehra Dun— situation of, 228, f.n., 1; 
Academy at, 84. 

Dengle, Trimbakji —account of, 294, f. n., 2. 

Deshpande, Y. K. — paper of, 229; ms. dis- 
covered by, 279. 

Devdhar Gopalrao— introduction of Sardesai 
to Sarkar by, 12-3, 18; death of, 12-13, f.n. 

Dewas Junior — account of, 190, f. n., 3; 
concubine of, 190. 

Dhabade, Khande Rao — career of, 204, f.n., 3. 

Dhulia — situation of. 173, f. n., 5. 

Dighe, V. G.— wrong method of, 170, work to 
be completed by, 214; translation sent to, 
226 difficulties of, 337; records studied by, 
338 discussion with, 344. 

Dilir Khan— account of, 175, f. n., 1; death 
of, 305. 

Dindori— situation of, 173. 

Dinkar,Sadashiv — a spy, 201; account of, 

Diwan-i- Am— account of, 156, f. n., 3. 

Dongre, K. B.-of Gwalior, 295. 

Douglass, Brother— of the Oxford Mission, 

Dudhna- location of, 178, f. n., 4. 

Duncan, Jonathan - account of, 310, f. n. 

Dutta, Ramesh Chandra— organisation of 
the Maratha Library Conference at Baroda 
by, 21. 


Ellora— account of, 161, f.n., 5. 

Elphinstone, Mo untstuart— career of, 206, 
f.n., 3. 

Europe— Jadunath’s opinion about, 3-4. 


Fardapur— situation of, 307, f.n., 4. 

Farrukh Siyar— career of, 204, f.n., 2. 

Fatehgarh— situation of, 189, f.n., 5. 

Fatihabad— situation of, 183, f.n., 2. 

Fisher, H. A. L.— praise for the work of, 260. 

Foster, W. — letter written to, 142, f.n. 

Fulad Khan— account of, 208, f n., 2. 


Gandhi, Mahatma— Quit India movement oi, 
14; salt campaign of, 91. 



Ganesh,Ramchandra— account of, 313, and f.n. 

GangaBai — death of, 234. 

Ganj-i-sawai — captured by pirates, 130, f.n., 2. 

Gardi, Ibrahim Khan— account of, 344, f.n., 3 

Ghataprabha— account of, 28 2, f n.,2. 

Ghazi-ud-din— account of, 296, f.n , 2. 

Ghorpare, Baji—account of, 334, f.n , 2. 

Ghorpare, Maloji— account of, 345, f.n. 

Ghorpare, Murarrao — account of, 326, f.n , 2. 

Ghorpare, Santaji— account of, 143, f.n., 1, 

Ghosal, J.— post of, 285, nature of, 287. 

Ghose, Arabindo— studies in England, 26. 

Ghose, S., Major— news of the imprisonment 
of, 230; death of, 256. 


Ghulam Qadir— account of, 311, f.n., 3. \ 

Goa — records at, 95. 

Godavari— course of, 177, f.n., 4. 

Gode— value of the paper of, 190, work done 
by, 348. 

Golkonda— foundation of the kingdom of, 1S7, 
f.n , 3. 

Gope Gur Bax— letters written by, 705. 

Gujar, Pratap Rao— account of, 137, f.n., 3. 

Gupta, Hari Ram — first visit to Jadunath, 4; 
at the Kamdiet Seminar, 5; second vi sit to 
Jadunath, 5; revision and printing of Ph.D. 
thesis by Jadunath Sarkar of, 9-10, f.n., 209; 
description by, 83, letter wiitten to, 339 ; 
possibility of work for, 350, 353. 

Gupte, Y. R, — information supplied by, 255. 

Gwalior— session at, 20; account of, 140, 
f.n., 2. 


Hadapsar — situation of, 211, f. n; battle of, 

Haldigbat — battle of, 250, f. n.» 3. 

Hamid Khan — nicknamed Jangli shahzada, 
221, 327. 

Hanmante, Raghunath Narayan— account 
of, 306, r f."n., 2. 

Hary Pandit — real name of, 232, f. n,, 2* 

Hatch — support from, 279. 

Heber, Reginald— account of, 295, f. n., 3. 
Heras, Father — complaint against, 168. 

Hill, H. C. — plan of. 293. 

Hingane, Damodar M. — account of, 180, 

f. n., 1. 

Hingane, Devrao— account of, 344, f. n., 1. 
Historical Places— visited by Jadunath Sarkar 
and G. S. Sardesai, 19-20. 

Holkar, Bapu — importance of, 344. 

Holkar, Jaswant Rao— account of, 195, f. n. 

Holkar, Malhar Rao— account of, 167, f. n., 

2; advice given by, 301. 

Holkar, Tukoji — account of, 315, f. n., 6 ; 
character of, 315-6; letter written by, 337; 
sons of, 343-4; strength of, 344. 


Ibbetson, Sir Denzil— work of, 252. 

Ikhlas Khan — account of, 173, f. n., 3. 
Ikkeri— situation of, 214, f. n., 2. 

Impey, Sir Elijah — career of, 206, f. n., 2. 
Inam Commission— work of, 291, f. n. 

Inchalkaranji — location of, 299, f. n., 2. 
Indargarh -situation of, 247, f. n. 

Indian Historical Records Commission — 

session of, 20; session at Gwalior, 285; 
se sion at Patna, 291, reconstituted, 331, 

Indore— location of, 140, f. n. • 

Indrayani— importance of, 336, f. n., dip in, 


Irvine, William— editing and publication by 
Jadunath Sarkar of the Later Mughals of, 

Isbwari Prasad— thesis of, 194. 

Itim&d Khan— Governor of Surat, 130, 
f. n., 4. 


Jadav, Dhanaji— account of, 323, f. n. 
Jadhav, B. V.— desire of, 315. 

Jadhav, Pilaji — account of, 179, f. n., 3* 



Jadhav, Satvoji— father of, 344, f. n., 2. 

Jag a Bapu — account of, 262, f. n., 2. 

Jahazpur —situation of, 226, f. n., 2. 

Jaipur —account of, 147, f. n., 2, history of, 
230, editing of works at, 260. 

Jai Singh, Mirza Raja— account of, 171 ,f. n.; 
date of birth of, 227. 

Jalna— situation of, 178. f. n., 3- 

Jaswant Singh— sketch of, 209, f. n., 2. 

Javli —position of, 258, f.n., 2. 

Jawahir Singh— account of, 342, f. n., 1. 

Jayakar — appreciation by, 278. 

Jay chandra Vidyalankar — collection of 
money, 207; letter from Nilakanta Shastri 
to, 222, position of, 321. 

Jenkins, Sir Richard— account of, 189, 
f. n., 1. 

Jhelum— location of, 237, f. n., l k 

Jija Bai— comparison with Queen Gautami 
Satakarni, 32, account of, 148, f. n., 1. 

Jinji— account of, 133, f. n., 3. 

Jinjira — account of, 213. 

Jodhpur — account of, 147, f, n., 1. 

Joshi — death of, 192. 

Jubbulpore— account of, 161, f. n., 2. 

Junnar— account of, 228, f.n., 2. 

K ~ 

Kale Papers— value of, 338. 

Kale, R.R.— memorial meetihg, 196. 

Kali das— account of, 242, f.n., 1. 

Kalyan— location of, 146, f.n., 2. 

Kampli— situation of, 315, f.n., 4. 

Kamshet— seminar at, 5, 81-2, festivity at, 53; 
situation of, 183, f.n., 6; week at, 318. 

Kanakgiri — situation of, 178, f n., 5. 

Kapsi— situation of, 276, f.n,, 1. 

Karachmaria — (Rajshahi district) Jadunatli 
Sarkar born in the village of, 26, early 
education of Jadunath Sarkar at, 26 , manage- 
ment of the zamindari of, 35. 

Karim Bag— position of, 297. 

Karnul— account of, 181, f.n., 4. 

I Kashi Rao -Panipat Bakhar of, 179; account 
of, 245, f.n., 1. 

Kasturi Ranga— Raja of Sera, 180. 

Kavindra, Govind— death of, 356. 

Kayasthas— Jadunath born in, 1, historians anc 
scholars produced by, 1; the legend of, 1. 

Kekri— location of, 226, f.n , 3. 

Kelkar- appeal of, 284. 

Kesari Bai— account of, 240, f.n., 2. 

Khadki — situation of, 307, f.n., 3., burnt, 307. 
Khanapur — location of, 140, f.n., 4. 
Khandekar— donation given by, 305. 
Khandwa— situation of, 183, f.n., 5. 

Kharda— situation of, 236. 

Khed — location of, 151, f.n., 1. 

Khelna — location of, 150, f n., 2. 

Kheloji — account of, 133, f.n., 1. 

Kher — presence of, 321. 

Khilafat— relation with the Sultan of Turke 
of, 143. 

Khurshid Ali — Persian sanads collected by 
197, 317. 

Khyber Pass— account of, 237. 

Kibe, M. V. - reminiscences of, 80-2, book of 

Kincaid - appreciation by, 224 ; work of, 328. 
Kishangarh— situation of, 226, f.n., 4, 329. 
Kishan Singh— sketch of, 209. 

Kolhapur— account of, 151, f.n., 3, records of 
342; administration of, 343. 

i Kondana— account of, 283, f.n., 5. 

Kond dev, Dadaji— account of, 173, f.n., 7. 
Konkan— situation of. 314, f.n., 2. 

Koppal— situation of, 182, f.n., 2. 

Kosali— situation of, 248. 

Kosi— situation of, 303, f.n. 

Kota— account of, 165, f.n., 2. 

Kot Putli— situation of, 248. 
Krishnamachari— support given by, 222.^ 
j Krishna Savat— raid of, 194, f.n* 1. 




Lake, (Lord) Gerard —account of, 264, f.n ,3. 

Lakheri— situation of, 241, f.n., 2; affair of, 

Lakhwa Dada— account of, 262, f.n., 1. 

Lalji Ballal — news writer, 263. 

Lalsont— situation of, 196, f.n. 

Laswari— situation of, 250, f.n., 1. 

Lehuraux, A. — in search of information, 210- 
11, 236. 

Library, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public— 
at Patna, 43. 

Loeb— created a Doctor, 176. 

Lona via— situation of, 266, f.n., 3. 

Loni — situation of, 263, f.n., 1. 

Louis XVIII of France— interview with 
Wellington of, 32. 

Lytton, Lord— appointment of Jadunath Sarkar 
as Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta 
University by, 29. 


Madan Singh— career of, 190, f. n., 1. 

Madec, Rene— career of, 342, f. n., 2. 
Madenihal— location of, 197, f. n. 

Madhav Rao — account of, 243, f.n., 2. 

Madhav Rao Naray an— account of, 236, 
f. n., 1. 

Madho Singh. General— visit of, 83-4. 
Madhupur— situation of, 329, f.n. 

Mababat Khan— account of 283, f.n , 3. 
Mahad— location of, 150, f. n., 5. 

Mahaldar Khan- account of, 283 f . n , 2. 
Maheshwar— situation of, 245. f n., 5. 
Mahidpur— situation of, 320, f. n. 

Mahmud Husain- visit of, 52, 

Mahuli— situation of, 214, f. n. 3. 

Majumdar, R. C.— gueot of the wife of, 51. 
new post of, 243. 

Malcolm, §ir John-book written by, 81. 

Malet, Sir, Charles Warre— account of, 174, 
f. n., 2; report on the Maratha army by, 
177; account of the Maratha Empire, 184-5; 
intelligence service of, 185; importance of 
the despatches of, 185-6; report on the 
trade of the Maratha Empire, 186; letter 
book of, 215; correspondence of, 309, virtue 
of, 310, policy of, 310. 

Malik Ambar— account of, 177, f. n„ 2. life 
of, 307. 

Malkapur— situation of, 275, f. n: contribu- 
tion from, 299. 

Maloji— - account of, 132, f. n., 2. 

Mandal, B. I.— annual session of, 298; book 
published by, 300, records managed by, 

Mandu— rituation of, 216. f. n. 

Manen, John Von— letter written to, 88 ; 
appearance of, 89; humour of, 89, 

Mangrol— situation of, 165, f. n., 1. 

I Manoharpur— location of, 329. 

Maratha people— an honourable domicile 
accorded to Jadunath by, 19, praised by 
Jadunath Sarkar, 20-1, f. n. 

Mastani— career of, 22', f. n., 221-2. 

Matabar Khan— account of, 145, f.n., 4. 

Maval— rituation of, 159, f. n. 

Mavlankar -death' of, 273 ; talk with, 333, 
desire of, 349. 


Mawji— mortgages his Museum, 132, J33. 

Medinipur— situation of, 160 f. n , 4. 

Mehendele, Balwant Rao— account of, 2 26, 
f.n., 1. 

Mehta, C. V.— Finance Member, 279, 

Merta — situation of, 168, f. n., 2. 

Metcalfe, Charles— resident at Sindliia’s 
court, 192. 

Miana— name of an Afghan clam 182, f. n., 3. 

Miana, Husain— account of, 182, f. a*, 5. 

Mir Habib — account of, 160, f. n., 5. 

Mir Jafar — account of, 160, f. n , 3. 

Misbin, Tabmas Khan-career of, 238, f.n., 1. 



Mission, Rama Krishna -love for. 53. 

Modern Review— first issue of, 31/ contribu- 
tions of Jadunath Sarkar in, 31. 

Mohan Singh— translation and value of the 
work of, 244, 245, 246, 248, 250. 

Monson, Col. -retreat of, 344. 

Morison, Sir Theodore— appreciation by 

Mubariz Khan— account of, 164, f. n., 1., 
fioht of, 297. 

Mudgal — situation of, 315, f. n., 2. 

Mudhol — situation of, 161, f. n., 4- 

Muhammad Ghaus — post of, 317. 

Muhammad Ismail, Sir Mirsa— -prime 

minister of Jaipur, 231. 

Muhammad Shah— sketch of, 224, f. n. 

Mulher— location ef, 214, f. n., 4. 

Munshi, K. M. — asks for subscriptions, 206 
imitation by, 207; presence of, 32l; Indian 
History scheme of, 340. 

Murari Jagdev— account of, 283, f. n., 4, 

Mustafa Khan— account of, 134, f. n., 1. 

Muzaffar Khan— battle of 281-2. 


Nadir Shah— invasion of, 14; career of, 223, 
f.n., 2. 

Nagotljna— location of, 150, f. n., 7. 

Nagpur— session at, 20; account of 160, f.n. , 2. 

Naik, Babuji— account of, 306, f. n., 1. 

Najaf Khan, Mirza— account of, 202, f. n., 3. 

Najib-ud-daulah— account of, 109, f. n., 1. 

Nana Fadnis- account of, 185, f. n., 1; 
intrigues of , 236; machinations of, 319-20; 
intimacy of, 320. 

Nandlal— iamily of, 80, residence of, 81., 
records in possession of. 81 , qanungo, 193 
f.n., 4. 

Nand Kumar— account of, 206, f.n.,1; charge 
against, 206 ; affair of, 353. 

Nandur bar— situation of, 238. 

Narayanrao— account of, 314, f. n., 1. 

Narbada— account of, 175, f. n., 5. 

Narwar— situation of, 193, f.n., 7. 

Nasari or Nesri — situation of, 151, f.n., 4. 

Nasik -situation of, 22 f.n., 1; pilgrimage to, 


Nasir Jang— account of, 182, f.n., 1. 

Nath wada— situation of, 226, f.n., 1. 

Newasa— account of, 356, f. n. 

Nilakanta, A. Shastri— writes tojaychandra, 

222 report sent by, 300. 

Nimbalkar, Sul tan ji— account of, 328, f. n. 

Nipani— situation of, 326, f.n., 1. 

Niphed— situation of, 304, f. n., 1. 

Nizam-ul-mulk— account of, 172, f. n.. 1. 

Nur-ud-din Hasan, Sayyid— account of, 245, 
f. n., 2. 

Nyaya-ratna,Mahesh Chandra— scholar of 
Sanskrit, 41. 


Pachad— situation of, 311, f.n..2. 

Paithan— situation of, 154, f.n. 

Pal, Bipin Chandra— orator, 47. 

Pali — location of, 150, f n. f 6. 

Palkar, Netaji- account of, 181, f.n., 1; sent 
to Kabul, 181 conversion to Islam of, 304. 

Palkhed— situation of, 173, 297, 304; action at, 

Palmer, William— resident at Poona, 203, f.n. 

Pandey, Mangal— first shot of the Mutiny fired 
at Barrackpur by, 35. 

Panhala — location of, 138, f.n., 1. 

Pani, Daud Khan -account of, 181, f.n., 3. 

Panini— account of, 144, f.n., 3. 

Panipat-map of, 252 ; letters on, 288. 

Panna-account of, 326, f.n., 3, Maharaja of, 

Parasnis, Amrit - account of, 155, f.n., 1, 
167 /sale by, 270. 

Parasnis, Dattatreya— account of, 140, fA , 3; 
death of, 276. •* 



Parmanand— career of, 208, f.n., 3 ; belongings 
of, 212; reward received from Shivaji by, 
255; value of the work of, 258; satiad of the 
sons of, 297; paper on, 321. 

Patagam— situation of, 298, f .n. 

Pathargaddi, Mohammad Qasim, Dr.— mss. 
owned by, 317. 

Patiala— account of, 299, f.n., 3. 

Patna College, Patna — appointment of 

Jadunath as Professor of English at, 29, 42 , 
principal of, 29; ill-equipped library of, 43. 

Patwardhan, Parashuram Bhau— account of, 
309, f.n.; death of, 331. 

Pawar, Dr.— of Kolhapur, 326, note received 
by, 327; at Kamshet, 339, records ransacked 
by, 342; advice given by, 343. 

Pawar, Khase Sahib — advice to be given to, 
155; conference held by, 155; death of, 242; 
Home member, 295. 

Pemgiri— location of, 139. 

Penukonda— situation of, 202, f.n., 1. 

Percival— at Presidency college, 41. 

Perron, P.C.-account of, 246, f.n. 

Perry, E.W .—administration of, 343. I 

Peshawar— account of, 237, f.n., 3. 

Peshwa Daftar Selections^— edited by G. S. 
Sardesai. 22. 

Phadke, Haripant— account of, 308, f.n., 2; 
death of, 331, 334. 

Phaltan— chief of, 161, f.n., 1. 

Pingle, Moropant— account of, 352, f.n., l. 

Pissurlencar, Panduranga, S.S.— second vol. 
of, 151; corrections made by, 213 — 14- 
work done by, 270; in Portugal, 271. 

Poduval, Vasudeva— reminiscences by, 82. 

Poona— situation of, 153, f.n. 

Potdar— ms. discovered by, 279; scheme of, 

Prabasi, a Bengali Periodical— started by 
Ramanaod Chatter ji, 31; Jadunath Sarkar 
requested to contribute articles in, 1, 31. 

Prabhavali—cituation of, 150, f.n., 1. 

Prakashji— position of, 44, 

Prataprao— tussel with, 281-2. 

Prem ChandRoy Chand Scholarship— 26-8. 

Presidency College, Calcutta- Jadhunath 

Sarkar as a lecturer at, 28-9 ; Jadunath 
educated at, 39, 41 Jadunath as Professor of 
English at, 42. 

Prithvi Singh— death of, 209, and f n. 1. 

Priyambada— daughters of, 256. 

Purandhar— situation of, 2C8,f.n., 1. 


Qanungo, K. R.— biographical sketch of 
Jadunath by, 35-54 ; review of Sarkar as a 
historian by. 55-73 ; training in research 
received by, 46-7 ; trip to Mathura of, 53 ; 
residence of, 75 , pupil of, 87 ; liking for, 
92 ; qualities of, 156. 

Queen Gautami Satakarni— comparison with 
Jija Bai, 32. 

Qureshi, Daud Khan- account of, 181. f.n. ,2. 


Radhakrishnan, Sir S.— secures support of 
K & R. 222. 

Raghunath Rao — account of, 170. 

Raghuvir Sinh, Maharaj Kumar — library of, 
viii, 4, 69, 85 ; trip to Mathura of. 53 ; 
work of, 80 ; liberality of, 85 ; editing of 
correspondence taken up by, 127, f.n., 1 ; 
thesis of, 193, f.n., 1, 195 ; letter from, 

204 ; subscription paid by, 2C8 ; akhbarat 
to be transcribed for, 216 ; notebook with, 
22l , vol edited by, 267; copy sent by, 33C; 
copies obtained by, 346. 

Rahman, A. F. — question of, 60. 

Raigad— account of, 255, f. n.; approach to, 

Rairi — location of, 284. 

Rajagopalachari— support given by, 222. 

Rajapur— account of, 180, f.n., 4. 

Rajaram — account of, 144, f.n., 2 ; history of, 



Rajasbai— account of, 297, f n., 1. 

Rajendra Prasad— Rector, 87; at Gaya, 145 ; 
collection of money by, 207 ; letter written 
to, 222 ; scheme of, 321 ; funds raised by, 
320 ; writes to Sardesai, 330 , keenness of, 

Rajshahi— ancestral home of Jadunath Sarkar, 
30 ; management of the zamindari in the 
district of. 35. 

Rajwade, V, K. — account of, 136, f. n., 1 ; 
absurd views of, 171 ; death of, 276 ; life of, 

Ram Chandra Nilkanth Amatya — life of, 
191 ; account of, 192. 

Ram Das— account of, 145, f.n., 1. 

Ramraja-* account of, 290, f n. 

Ram Singh, Kumar— account of, 207, f. n. 

Ranade, Justice -delusion of, 217. 

Randaulah Khan— sketch of, 214, f.n., 1. 

Rani of Jhansi— protest against the play of 
that name, 197 ; father of the Rani, 268. 

Rao, Suraj Narain— reminiscences by, 82-5. 

Ratnagiri — situation of. 151, f.n., 2. 

Ravenshaw College, Cuttack— Jadunath 
Sarkar appointed Professor of History and 
English Literature at, 45. 

Ravington— account of, 307, f.n., 6. 

Rawlinson, H. G.— inquiry by, 147. 

Raymond, Francois— career of, 189, f. n., 4, 

Roberts; P. E.— opinion of, 63 ; opinion about, 

Ross, Sir E. D.— appreciation by, 58. 

Rowe— at Presidency College, 41. 

Roy, B. C.— at Patna College, 42. 

Roy, K. C.— friendship with Jadunath Sarkar, 

Roy, N. B.— letter written by, 256 ; possibility 
. of work for, 350. 

Roy, Prafulla Chandra— in police records 
44 ; service rendered to, 54. 

Roy, Sarat Chandra, R. B.— lectures of, 49. 

Russell, Sir William Howard— story of, 31. ( 


Saadat Khan— account of, 308, f. n„ 1. 

Sabnis— records printed by, 343. 

Sahyadr is— situation of, 139, f.n., 4. 

Saksena, B. P -book of, 230* 

Salabat Jang— account of, 189, f.n., 3. 

Saletore, B. A.— doubtful authorities of, 214; 
recommended as a professor, 219 ; prodding 
of, 270; letter from, 271. 

Sam bhaji— account of, 134, f.n., 4. life of, 190; 
concubine presented to, 190. 

Sanchi— situation of, 156, f. n., 1. 

Sandur- situation of, 315, f.n., 5; raja of. 326. 

Sangamesh war— situation of, 150* f. n., 4. 

Sangli— situation of, 155, f.n., 2. 

Sardesai, G. S.— jams sent by. 5; tea received 
by, 6 suggestions by, 8, f. n; introduction to 
Jadunath of, 12-3, 18; reminiscences by, 
18-34 letters of, 13, 16-17, 21-2; devotion to 
work of, 14, historical tours of, 20; as 
secretary of Maratha Library Conference, 
21 ; editing of Peshwa Da f tar Selections by, 
22-3; vnit to pictures by, 25; abhangs 
recited by, 25; softness of, 52; biographical 
sketch of, 127, f. n. f 3; death of the son of, 
135, gets suggestions regarding his school 
history, 155-6 ; Baji Rao II, 157 ; qualities 
of 168; instructions about writing history 
given to, 220-1; Baji Rao of, 231; means 
of acquiring a good style, 233-4; condolence 
letter received by, 234-6; birthday message 
to, 251; views of, 289, lectures atNagpur by, 
312 aversion to title of, 316; aversion to 
commemoration vol., 317 / Rajendra Babu’s 
letter received by, 330; death of the wife of. 
335; paper by, 357. 

Sardeshmukhi— a kind of revenue ownership, 
199, f n.. 2. 

Sarja Khan— battle of, 281-2. 

Sarkar, Abani— sons of, 256; murder of, 256 
and f. n., 1. 

Sarkar, A.— professor, medical college, Patna, 



Sarkar, Bijaynath — strong feelings of, 58. 

Sarkar, Dr.— death of, 350; family of, 351. 

Sarkar, Hari Sundari— mother of Jadunath, 
2 death of, 2, popular title of, 2, virtues of, 

Sarkar, Jadunath— birth of, 1, 26, 37; early 
life & education of. 2-3 ; opinion about 
Europe of, 3, 26, 37; preparation for scholar- 
ship, 3, 10, 26-7: appointment at Cuttack, 3; 
promotion to I. E. S; 3, 29, 45; as Vice- 
Chancellor, 3 & f. n; declines another term, 
3, f. n, dislikes to accept gifts, 5; gift 
received by, 5, f. n; tea sent by, 6; sense 
of humour of, 6, f. n; simplicity of, 6-7, 20, 
30, 34, 45; frugality of, 7, 47; misfortunes 
of, 7-8, & f. n, regularity & punctuality of, 
8-9, 30, 33 ; frankness of, 9, 33, 44; kind- 
heartedness of, 9, 33, 46 ; publications of, 
9, 10, 11, 19, 20; impartiality of, 11, 
services to I. H. R. C. of, 11; distinctions 
received by, 11-2; guides researchers, 12, 
45: introduction to Sardesai of, 12-3, 18 ; 
death of Devdhar mourned by, 12-3, f. n, 
letters of, 13, 16-7, 21-2, 29; discovery of 
correspondence between Aurangzeb & Mirza 
Raja Jai Singh by, 19; historical tours of, 
19, 20, 23, 29, 30, editing of P. D. S. by, 
22, 23; new year’s message given by, 24; 
refusal to accept scholarship for higher 
studies in England, 26; search for documents, 
27-8, 33; as a lecturer in Calcutta, 28 , 29, 
appointment at Patna, 29; in Banaras 
Hindu University, 29, 44-5, transferred to 
Cuttack, 29, 44-5; retirement of, 29 as Vice- 
Chancellor, 29; house at Darjeeling, 29; 
visit to Buddh Gaya, 30; friendship with 
Ramanand Chatterji, 31; visit to Maharshi 
DebendraNath Tagore, 38, attacked by 
Malaria, 39; fondness for sweet dishes, 39, 
40; secretary of the football team, 39-40; 
first day of teaching at Ripon College, 41-2, 
library of Patna College equipped by, 43, 
made a C. I. E , 44; hatred for mice of, 46, 
f, n; habits, 49; day of retirement of, 49; 
appointed Vice-Chancellor, 50 ; settles at 
Darjeeling, 50 ; knighted, 51 ; books versus 
man, 51. , library of, 52; religious views, 
52-3; on a holy tour, 53; friends of, 54; 
Authors who influenced him, 57; mild views 

of, 58; how India can rise, 63*, views about 
professional politicians, 64 ; bias of, 72 ; 
historical trip led by, 74-78 ; lofty aim of, 
76; support by, 80; disguise of, 81 ; lectures 
by, 82 ; hospitality of, 90-1 ; work in the 
I. H. R. C. done by, 94-100; bibliography 
of the works of, 108-24; standard works 
on the Company's rule suggested by, 
127-9, 131, 142; books dealing with 

Mnghal insignia and standards, 131- 
2; suggests improvement of Marathi 

Rtyasat, 135-6; leaves Hindu University, 
138; joins at Cuttack, 138; books on the 
Bhoble raids into Bengal, 138-9; books on 
Black Hole affair, 141; writes introductory 
letters to Foster and Temple, 141-2, f. n., 1; 
visits Jodhpur and Jaipur, 147 ; material 
used in Shivaji by, 151-2; suggestions regar- 
ding Satara Museum, 153; engagements of, 
154; proves affinity between Marathas and 
Rajputs, 155; suggests improvement of 
Baji Rao 27, 157 ; prophecy regarding 
Hindu Muslim relations, 159; tour pro- 
gramme of 19,21, 29-iO, 159, 161, 182-3, 
225, 228-9; discovers original ms. of 
Kashi Rao, 162, books of light historical 
reading, i 69; how to write a history, 169; 
comparison between British and Indian 
Universities 176, how to edit a news-letters 
vol., 183-4; books on Hindu superstitions 
and manners, 186; sketch for Shivaji vol., 
187, books on last Maratha War, 191; 
style of, 191: protests against the play “The 
Rani of Jhansi”, 197; records at Jaipur, 
204; writes Jaipur history, 210; qualifica- 
tions of a professor of history, 217; selection 
of a professor for the Deccan College, 218; 
books on ancient India, 220; theft of the 
belongings of, 227-8, means of acquiring a 
good style, 233-4; condolence letter written 
by, 234-6; hints about Marathi Riyasat , 
238-9, duty towards Ramanand Chatter ji^s 
sons, 240-1; books on Maratha history, 241, 
245, 250 ; books on Sati in N. India, 249; 
birthday message from, 251; difficulties ef, 
256; literary programme of, 257-8; diaries 
of, 268, honours declined by, 269; 
Maharashtra opposition to, 277; effect of 
the letter of, 279; bereavement of, 350* 
Sarkar, Kmaudnath- account of, 2, f, n. 



Sarkar, Lady— disease of. 8. f.n.; medals with. 
41 ; enquiry made by, 51 ; anger of, 51; 
sweets prepared by, 54; service rendered 
by, 75; breakfast prepared by, 91; sufferings 
of, 272, 273. 

Sarkar, Raj Kumar —account of, 1, 26, 35; 
family of, 2 & f. n., 35; death of the wife of, 
2; zamindari of Karachmaria managed 
by, 35, appointment as one of the trustees 
of the Brahmo Sabha of Rajshahi, 36, as 
secretary of Rajshahi Association of 
Zamindars, 36; a certificate of Honour in 
the Proclamation Darbar of Queen Empress 
Victoria (1877 A. D.) given to, 36; challenge 
to the European indigo-planters given by, 
36; library of choice books built up by, 36; 
issues of the Hindu Patriot and the Amrita 
Bazar Patrika preserved by, 36, eldest son 
of, 37; visits Maharshi Debendra Nath 
Tagore, 38, becoming a convert to Vaishna- 
vism of the grandfather of, 3 8\ religious 
faith of, 53; creates love for history in 
Jadunath’s mind, 56. 

Sarkar, Rama - breakfast served by, 91; death 
of, 7. 

Sarkar, S. C.— interview of, 80. 

Sarkar, Satyen-at Cuttack, 45; fondness for 
sweets of, 49; poor health of, 256 death of, 
256, f.n., 2 , 272 . 

Sarkar, Susanta-loss of books by, 254. 

Satara — Museum, 157, fall of, 334. 

Savantvadi— account of, 161, f. n., 3. 

Sayajirao, Maharaja of B^oda— Diwan of, 

21 . 

Sayyid Mahmud, Dr.— money provided by, 

Scholarship, Premchand Roychand— nature 
of, 2 --28. 

Sen, Keshab Chandra-hearing by Jadunath 
Sarkar of the sermons of, 37. 

Sen, S. C.— residence of, 75. 

Sen, S. N.— scheme of, 332. 

Servants of India Society— worker of, 12, 18; 
in distress, 335. 

Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Sir— function of, 318. 

Shah Alam II— account of, 136, f.n., 2. 

Shahgarh— identification of, 139. 

S hah ji— account of, 132, f.n., 1 ; captivity, 
133, 134 ; attack on, 216 ; policy of. 257 ; 
book on, 298 ; brother of, 302 ; article on, 
314; sanads of, 317. 

Shah Nawaz Khan— account of, 177, f.n., 1. 

Shahu— account of, 190, f.n., 2; position of, 
194 ; guru of, 231, f.n. 

Shaista Khan— account of, 130, f.n., 6. 

Sharma, Babu Sarat Chandra— 41-2. 

Sharma, S. R.— collaboration of, 337 ; colla- 
boration dissolved, 340. 

Shastri, Gangadhar— account of, 294, f.n., 1. 

Shastr i, Haraprasad— invited to a conference, 

21 . 

Shastri, K. A. Nila Kanta— reminiscences 
by, 86-7. 

Shastri, Khare, V. V.— account of, 156, f,n., 
4 ; death of, 276. 

Shastri, Rama— account of, 296, f.n„ 1. 

| She j walker— work of, 266. 

Sherpa, Tensing Norkay— buys Jadunath 's 
house at Darjeeling, 50. 

Shevgaon— situation of, 174, f.n., 1. 

Shibli, Maulana— appreciation by, 58-9. 

Shiva, Digvijaya— a forgery. 136. 

Shivaji— Javli affair, 61; asked to send an agent 
to Mughal court, 133 ; captures hill forts, 
134 ; battles of, 182 ; sketch of the work of, 
187-8 ; a prejudicial work on, 196; visits 
Agra, 207-8 ; son born to, 210 ; escape from 
Agra of, 212; splendid feat of, 214 ; corona- 
tion of, 255 ; the birthdate of, 282 ; kept 
in hiding, 283. 

Shivapur— location of, 283, f.n , 1. 

Shiv Bharat— value of, 148-9, 322. 

Shi vner— account of, 282, f n., 3. 

Shrivatsa— death of, 135 ; account of, 135, 
f.n., 1. 

Shu ja-ud-daulah— account of, 179, f.n„ 2. 

Siddi Masud-account of, 281, f.n., 4. 

Sindhia, Dattaji— account of, 301, f.n,, 1, • 



Sindhia, Daulat Rao— account of, 232, f.n., 
1 ; illicit love of, 341. 

Sindhia, Jankoji— account of, 301, f.n., 2. 

Sindhia, Jayappa— account of. 338, f.n. 

Sindhia, Jotiba— account of, 34Lf.n. 

Sindhia, Mahadji- account of, 137, f.n.; 1; 
life of, 174 , death of, 334 ; career of, 341; 
western discipline adopted by, 342. 

Sindhia, Ranoji— account of, 167, f.n., 1. 

Sindhia, Saba ji— account of, 337, f.n., com- 
plaint against, 338. 

Sindhkhed— situation of. 311, f.n.,1. 

Sindh u Durg — situation of, 301, 

Singh, Mathur Nath— friendship of, 44, 48. 

Sinha, N. K.— possibility of work for, 358. 

Sipri, Rani— tomb of, 156, f.n., 2. 

Siraj-ud-daulah— account of. 257, f.n. 

Sister Nivedita— pilgrimage to Buddh Gaya 
of, 30, reverence for, 53. 

Sitamau— library at, 69, 85. 

Sitole, Ladoji— account of, 340, f.n., 2. 

Smith, V. A.— appreciation, by, 60 ; opinion 
of, 61. 

Songad— situation of, 307, f.n., 5. 

Spr ingle— history written by, 345. 

Srinivasachari, C. S.— letter from, 308, 328. 

Srivastava, A. L.— reminiscences by, 87-93 ; 
printing the thesis of, 9-10, f.n., 209 ; possi- 
bility of work for. 350, 353. 

Style— how to acquire, 23 M, 252. 

Sudha— sons of, 256. 

Sukharkheda— situation of, 163, f.n., 1. 

Sulher— location of, 214, f.n., 5. 

Sultanpur Nandur bar— importance of, 238, 
f.n., 3. 

Sundar Lai, Sir— Vice-Chancellor, 44. 

Soraj Mai— account of, 176, f.n., 3. 

Surapur (Wakinkheda)— situation of, 315, 
f.n., 1. 

Surat- location of, 130, f.n., 3. 

Surauli— situation of, 243, f.n. 

Swai Jai Singh— sketch of, 210, f*n.» date of 
birth of, 227 ; mission sent by, 289, 

Sydenham, Thomas- sketch of, 215, f.a. 


Tagore, Maharshi Debendra Nath-appoint- 
ment of Raj Kumar Sarkar as one of the 
trustees of the Brahmo Sabha of Rajshahi 
by, 36 ; visited by Babu Raj Kumar 
Sarkar, 38. 

Tagore, Rabindranath— pilgrimage to Buddh 
Gaya of, 30 ; sweet3 for, 54. 

Talegaon -situation of. 202, f. n.» 2. 

Talikot— situation of, 197, f. n., map of, 197. 

Talwar, S. S.— paper by, 101-7. 

Tanjore- account of, 149, f. n. 

Tar abai —account of, 276. 

Tawney— at Presidency College, 41. 

Temple, Sir R. C.— opinion of, 61 ; letter 
written to, 141, f. n., 1 ; writings of, 335. 

Thana— account of, 145, f. n., 3. 

Tikamgarh — situation of, 223, f. n., 1. 

Tikekar, S. R.— drafts sent by, 205 ; availa- 
bility of, &21 ; concession obtained by, 

Tikote- location of, 281, f.n., 3. 

Tor na— situation of, 284, f. n. 

Trevelyan, G. O.— essay of, 71. 

Trimbak— situation of, 228, f. n., 3. 

Trimbak, Parashuram— account of, 339, f. n. 


Udaipur— account of, 164, f.n., 2. 

Udai Ram— account of, 307, f. n„ 2, 

Udgir— situation of, 177, f. n., 5. 

Ujjain— account of, 183, f. n., 3 ; proposed 
inscription at, 241-2 ; article on, 267. 

Umrani— location of, 281. f. n., 1. 

Urquhart, W. S.# Dr.— appointment as Vice- 
Chancellor of the Calcutta University of, 3, 
f. « 




Vaidya Family — account of, 338 ; records of, 

Venkataramanayya, N. — interest in the work 
of 86- 

Vidyarnav, Shiv Chandra— orator, 38. 

Vidyasagar College— Jadunath Sarkar as a 
lecturer in English at. 42. 

Visaji Krishna Bini vale— account of, 201, 
f n. , sen of, 201, f . n. 

Vishalgarh— situation of, ISO, f.n., 2; contribu- 
tion from the chief of, 299. 

Vyankoji— account of, 248, f . n. 


Waginger a— situation of, 175, f.n., 2. 

Wai — situation of, 258, f n., 3. 

Wakaskar— Sardesai commemoration by, 349. 
Walpole— letters of, 15. 

Walter Reinhardt— sketch of, 342, f.n.,3. 
Wellington— interview with Louis XVIII of 
France of, 32. 

Wills, C. U.— letter of, 291-2. 

Wilson, C. R. Dr.— as principal of Patna 
College, Pat a, 29, 42. 


Yadav, Raghunath— account of, 302, f.n., 1. 


Zabitah Khan— -account of 297, f.n., 2. 
Zulfiqar Khan— account of, 144, f.n., 1.